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OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE "/ a <? 



Democratic national 

CONVENTION 

Held in Kansas City, Mo., July 4th, 5th and 6th, 1900 



CONTAINING ALSO THE 



PRELIMINARY PROCEEDINGS OF THE DEMOCRATIC 
NATIONAL COMMITTEE, ETC. 

WITH AN APPENDIX CONTAINING THE 

PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE OF NOTIFICATION 

ORGANIZATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL 

COMMITTEE OF 1900 AND THE LETTER Or 

ACCEPTANCE OF WILLIAM J. BRYAN. 



CHICAGO, ILL. 

M.LELLAN PRINTING CO. 

21-25 Plymouth Place 

1900 



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In Exchange. 



MAR 21 1912 






NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE. 

CHICAGO MEETING. 



MORNING SESSION. 

Chicago, III., July 20, 1899. 

Pursuant to call of Messrs. Stone and Johnson, acting by 
authority of Chairman Jones, the National Democratic Com- 
mittee met at the Sherman House at 10 o'clock A. M. 

In the absence of the Chairman the meeting was called to 
order by Secretary Walsh. 

On motion of Mr. Johnson, Gov. Stone, of Missouri, was 
elected Chairman pro tern. 

On a call of the role the following members and proxies 
responded : 

Alabama — Henry D. Clayton. 
Arkansas — T. C. McRae. 

California — Wm. R. Burke (Proxy for J. J. Dwyer). 
Colorado — T. J. O'Donnell (Proxy for Adair Wilson). 
Connecticut — Alex. Troup. 
Delaware — R. R. Kenney. 

Florida — W. J. Stone (Proxy for Samuel Pasco). 
Georgia — Clark Howell. 
Idaho — Geo. Ainslie. 
Illinois — Thos. Gahan. 
Indiana — J. G. Shanklin. 
Iowa — C. A. Walsh 



2 Meeting, July 20, 1899. 

Kansas — J. G. Johnson. 
Kentucky — Urey Woodson. 
Louisiana — N. C. Blanchard. 
Maine — S. C. Gordon. 

Maryland^Col. F. Victor Baughman (Proxy for A. P. Gor- 
man). 
Massachusetts— 'Geo. Fred. Williams. 
Michigan — W. J. Bryan (Proxy for D. J. Campau). 
Minnesota — T. D. O'Brien. 
Mississippi — W. V. Sullivan. 
Missouri — W. J. Stone. 

Montana— -E. D. Matts (Proxy for J. J. McHatton). 
Nebraska — W. H. Thompson. 

Nevada — W. J. Stone (Proxy for Clayton Belknap). 
New Hampshire' — True L. Norris. 
New Jersey — H. B. Paul (Proxy for P. D. Baker). 
New York — Frank Campbell. 
North Carolina — Josephus Daniels. 
Ohio — J. N. Norton (Proxy for John R. McLean). 
Pennsylvania — J. M. Gufley. 

Rhode Island — Geo. W. Green (Proxy for R. B. Comstock). 
South Carolina — B. R. Tillman. 

South Dakota — W. J. Bryan (Proxy for James M. Woods). 
Tennessee — James M. Head. 
Virginia — Peter J. Otey. 

Washington— W. J. Abbott (Proxy for W. H. White). 
Wyoming — F. W. Fleming (Proxy for W. H. Holliday). 
District of Columbia — E. Sefton (Proxy for Lawrence Gard- 
ner). 
Oklahoma — Whit M. Grant. 

Indian Territory — W. J. Stone (Proxy for Thos. Marcum). 
New Mexico — H. B. Fergusson. 

The special committee, consisting of Messrs. Stone and 
Walsh, appointed at an informal meeting held in St. Louis in 
May, 1899, for the purpose of formulating rules for the gov- 
ernment of the committee, presented a report. 

Pending the consideration of the report of the special com- 
mittee, on motion of Senator Tillman, a recess was taken until 

3 130 o'clock P. M. 



Meeting, July 20, 1899. 3 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 

Chicago, III., July 20, 1899. 
The committee reassembled at 3 145 P. M., Gov. Stone pre- 
siding, and a quorum being present. 

The report of the Committee on Rules was taken up, and 
considered at length. 

Mr. Clayton, of Alabama, offered the following substitute 
for the report of the Committee, which was adopted : 

Section 1. The Democratic National Committee shall be 
composed of one member from each State and Territory, un- 
less otherwise ordered by a Democratic National Convention, 
and except as herein otherwise provided, shall at the first 
meeting following the Convention organize by the election of 
a Permanent Chairman, Vice Chairman, Secretary and Treas- 
urer, each of whom shall serve for the term of four years, or 
until the close of the next subsequent Democratic National 
Convention. 

Sec. 2. There shall be a standing Committee to be 
known as the "Executive Committee," composed of eleven 
members, of whom the Chairman shall be one, and the other 
ten shall be appointed by him. 

The Chairman shall be ex-officio Chairman of the Execu- 
tive Committee, and shall designate a member who shall act 
as Vice Chairman of said Committee. The Vice Chairman shall 
preside at the meetings of the said committee in the absence 
of the Chairman, and shall specially aid and assist the Chair- 
man in the performance of all his duties. Five members shall 
constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. The 
Executive Committee shall be the chief executive power of the 
National Committee, having authority over all other sub-com- 
mittees, and shall be specially charged with the duty of carry- 
ing out the policies of the whole committee, and of seeing 
that its orders are executed. 

Sec. 3. There shall be a standing committee to be 
known as the Ways and Means Committee, to be composed 
of seven (7) members, to be appointed by the Chairman. At 
the time of appointing said Ways and Means Committee the 






4 Meeting, February 22, 1900. 

Chairman shall designate the member who shall act as its Chair- 
man. Three members shall constitute a quorum for the trans- 
action of business. The Ways and Means Committee shall 
have general charge of the financial interests of the National 
Committee, and, with the approval of the Chairman of the 
National Committee, or in his absence, with the approval of 
the Vice Chairman of the Executive Committee, may employ 
such assistants outside the committee as may be necessary to 
promote its purposes. 

Sec. 4. There shall be such additional standing and 
special committees to be appointed by the Chairman, as the 
whole committee may by resolution from time to time provide. 

The following resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That Hon. William J. Stone be and is hereby 
elected Vice Chairman of this committee, to act during the 
absence of the Chairman, and until he (the Chairman) shall 
return, and assume the duties of his office. 

Resolved, That in the future, in all cases where the Chair- 
man of the committee is unable, by reason of his absence, or 
for any reason, to attend to the duties of his office, he may 
designate the Vice Chairman to act in his stead. 

On motion of Mr. Blanchard, of Louisiana, it was ordered 
that a Press Committee consisting of five members, three of 
whom shall constitute a quorum, be created. 

On motion, the Chair was authorized to name members of 
the Press Committee. 

There being no further business, on motion of Mr. Clayton 
the committee adjourned sine die. 



WASHINGTON MEETING. 

MORNING SESSION. 

Washington, D. C, February 22, 1900. 
The National Democratic Committee met on this, the 22nd 
day of February, 1900, pursuant to call at the Raleigh Hotel, 
in the City of Washington, D. C, at 12 o'clock noon. The 
Chairman, Senator James K. Jones, of Arkansas, presiding. 



Meeting, February 22, 1900. 5 

The Chair : The Committee will come to order ; the Sec- 
retary will call the roll. 

The Secretary (Hon. C. A. Walsh, of Iowa) called the 
roll and the following members of the Committee and proxie« 
responded : 

Alabama — Henry D. Clayton. 

Arkansas — T. C. McRae. 

California — W. J. Stone (Proxy for J. J. Dwyer). 

Colorado — Adair Wilson. 

Connecticut — Alex. Troup. 

Delaware — R. R. Kenney. 

Florida — R. W. Davis (Proxy for Samuel Pascoe). 

Georgia — Clark Howell. 

Idaho — John G. Brown (Proxy for Geo. Ainslie). 

Illinois — Thos. Gahan. 

Indiana — J. G. Shanklin. 

Iowa — C. A. Walsh. 

Kansas — J. G. Johnson. 

Kentucky — Urey Woodson. 

Louisiana — N. C. Blanchard. 

Maine — S. C. Gordon. 

Maryland — A. P. Gorman. 

Massachusetts — Geo. Fred. Williams. 

Michigan — D. J. Campau. 

Minnesota — P. B. Winston (Proxy for T. D. O'Brien). 

Mississippi — Patrick Henry (Proxy for W. V. Sullivan). 

Missouri — W. J. Stone. 

Montana — Davis S. Rose (Proxy for J. J. McHatton). 

Nebraska — W. H. Thompson. 

Nevada — W. J. Stone (Proxy for Clayton Belknap). 

New Hampshire — True L. Norris. 

New Jersey — P. D. Baker. 

New York — Frank Campbell. 

North Carolina — Josephus Daniels. 

North Dakota — I. P. Baker. 

Ohio — John R. McLean. 

Oregon — J. H. Townsend. 

Pennsylvania — J. M. Guffey. 



6 Meeting, February 22, 1900. 

Rhode Island — R. B. Comstock. 

South Carolina — W. J. Stone (Proxy for B. R. Tillman). 

South Dakota — James M. Woods. 

Tennessee — James M. Head. 

Texas — J. G. Dudley. 

Utah — Senator J. L. Rawlins (Proxy for A. W. McCune). 

Virginia — Peter J. Otey. 

Vermont — R. B. Smalley. 

Washington — Senator Geo. Turner (Proxy for W. H. White). 

West Virginia — John T. McGraw. 

Wisconsin — E. C. Wall. 

Wyoming — W. H. Holliday. 

Alaska — A. J. Daly. 

Arizona — J. F. Wilson (Proxy for W. H. Burbage). 

Oklahoma — E. G. Spilman (Proxy for Whit M. Grant). 

Indian Territory — Thomas Marcum. 

New Mexico — H. B. Fergusson. 

District of Columbia — ■ 

By direction of the Chair the Secretary read the call for 
the meeting as follows : 

Washington, D. C, December 19, 1899. 
There will be a meeting of the Democratic National Com- 
mittee at the Raleigh Hotel in Washington City on Thurs- 
day, the 22nd of February, 1900, at 12 :oo o'clock M., to fix 
the time and place of holding the Democratic National Con- 
vention for the adoption of the party platform, and the nomi- 
nation of candidates for President and Vice President of the 
United States, at the election to take place in November next, 
and to transact such other business as may come before the 
committee. All members of the committee will without fail 
be present at the time and place, as very great importance may 
attach to the action of this meeting of the committee in sev- 
eral particulars. Very truly yours, 

(Signed.) James K. Jones, Chairman. 

The Chair : It is my duty to announce that there has been a 
vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Gardner, of the District 
of Columbia, a member of this committee. The Secretary 
has in his possession certain papers from the members of the 



Meeting, February 22, 1900. 7 

District Committee recommending the election of Mr. James L. 
Norris to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. Gard- 
ner, and also certain papers protesting against Mr. Norris 
being seated as a member of this committee from the District 
of Columbia. What is the pleasure of the committee in connec- 
tion with this matter? 

On motion of Mr. Johnson the chair was authorized to 
appoint a committee of three to consider and report upon the 
filling of the vacancy from the District of Columbia. 

The Chair announced the members of the Special Com- 
mittee on vacancy from the District of Columbia, as follows : 

Mr. Daniels, of North Carolina. 

Mr. Otey, of Virginia. 

Mr. McGraw, of West Virginia. 

The Chair announced that the next order of business would 
be the selection of the time and place of holding the next Na- 
tional Democratic Convention to nominate candidates for the 
office of President and Vice President of the United States. 

For the information of the members, it was announced that 
the cities of Kansas City, Missouri, and Milwaukee, Wiscon- 
sin, were represented by committees and were prepared to 
present invitations together with reasons why the National 
Convention should be held in their respective cities. 

It was ordered that the roll of States be called for nomi- 
nations, and that the representatives of each city be allowed 
30 minutes in which to present their claims. 

The Secretary proceeded with the roll call, and when the 
State of Missouri was reached, Hon. Jas. A. Reed, of Kansas 
City, was introduced, and addressed the committee in behalf of 
Kansas City. 

The roll call was proceeded with, and when the State of 
Wisconsin was reached Mayor Rose, of the City of Milwaukee, 
was introduced, and addressed the committee in behalf of that 
city. 

At the close of Mayor Rose's address, on motion, each city 
was given fifteen minutes additional time. 



8 Meeting, February 22, 1900. 

Hon. Wm. S. Cowherd, of Missouri, and Hon. David Over- 
meyer, of Kansas, spoke in behalf of Kansas City, and Gov. 
Peck, of Wisconsin, and Hon. W. J. Lentz, of Ohio, spoke in 
favor of Milwaukee. 

At the conclusion of Mr. Lentz's address, on motion, the 
Committee took a recess until 3 :oo o'clock P. M. 



AFTERNOON SESSION. 

Washington, D. C, February 22, 1900. 
The National Committee resumed its session at 3:15 P. M. 
The call of the roll showed a quorum present. 

The Chair announced the first business in order would be 
the selection of a place for holding the next National Con- 
vention. 

Gov. Stone, of Missouri, moved that Kansas City, Mo., be 
selected as the place for holding the Democratic National Con- 
vention of 1900. 

Gov. Stone submitted the following proposition: 

Washington, D. C, January 22, 1900. 
Hon. James K. Jones, 

Chairman National Democratic Committee. 

Dear Sir: Desiring that the Democratic Convention of 
1900 be held at Kansas City, in the State of Missouri, we 
hereby make and submit to your committee the following 
proposition. 

1st: Kansas City will furnish adequate and acceptable 
headquarters at one of the principal hotels for the use of your 
committee, and will pay the expenses of entertaining the mem- 
bers of the National Committee at that hotel, making ample 
provision therefor. 

2nd: Kansas City will furnish its Convention Hall to the 
committee for the use of the convention, free of charge, 
decorated in a way satisfactory to your committee, and will 
furnish music, free in the hall during the sessions of the con- 
vention. 



Meeting, February 22, 1900. 9 

3rd : It is hereby agreed that the Kansas City hotels will 
accommodate the delegates and alternates attending the con- 
vention, at rates reasonable, and not to exceed the usual regu- 
lar charges charged by the hotels of the city. 

It is further agreed that the undersigned will arrange, and 
have already arranged with the proprietors of the leading 
hotels of Kansas City that no allotment of rooms or accom- 
modations will be made in said hotels for at least thirty days 
from this date, to the end that provision may be made at the 
expense of the several committeemen here for the accom- 
modation of the delegates and alternates representing the sev- 
eral States. A responsible committee of Kansas City has 
this matter in charge, and it is the intention to locate the repre- 
sentatives of the several States at the best hotels in the city, 
if they so desire, and that privileges will certainly be re- 
served. 

4th : We say to your committee upon honor that we have 
assurances directly from the General Passenger Agents of the 
railroads centering at Kansas City that if the convention 
should be located at Kansas City, the Passenger Association 
will at once arrange for one fare for the round trip over all 
the roads. 

5th : All expenses of the convention, except as above 
stated, are to be paid by your committee. And in view of 
the uncertainty of the amount of such expenses, the Kansas 
City committee hereby proposes to contribute to the funds 
of your committee the sum of $50,000.00, to be paid to the 
Chairman of your committee, or according to the order of 
your committee, before the adjournment of this meeting. 

Samuel B. Cook, A. C. Thomas, 

A. M. Dockery, G. T. Stockham, 

D. J. Dean, Chas. J. Schmelzer, 

F. W. Fleming, A. A. Le Sueur, 

A. C. Coates, Wm. S. Cowherd, 

J. J. Swofford, M. S. Peters, 

J. C. James, H. C. McDougal. 
H. W. Salmon, 

Mr. Wall, of Wisconsin, moved to amend the motion of 



io Meeting, February 22, 1900. 

the gentleman from Missouri by striking out Kansas City, and 
inserting Milwaukee. 

Mr. Wall said he had no written statement, but that all the 
promises made in reference to Kansas City would be met by the 
gentlemen composing the committee from Milwaukee ; he said 
the committee had come with a certified check for $40,000.00, 
but since arriving in the city they had arranged to add ten 
thousand dollars more to this amount, making a total of $50,- 
000.00. The additional ten thousand dollars must be for the 
purpose of fitting up the Convention hall. 

The roll was called on the selection of a place to hold the 
convention. 

The following States voted for Kansas City. 

Alabama, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, 
Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, 
Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Mississippi, Mis- 
souri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North 
Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode 
Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, 
Virginia, Washington, West Virgina, Wyoming, Alaska, Ari- 
zona, Oklahoma, Indian Territory and New Mexico. 

The following States voted for Milwaukee : 

Delaware, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, Montana, New 
York, Vermont and Wisconsin. 

On motion of Mr. Wall, of Wisconsin, the selection of Kan- 
sas City as the place for holding the next Democratic Conven- 
tion was made unanimous. 

The next order of business was fixing the time when the 
convention should be held. 

Mr. Townsend, of Oregon, moved to fix the date for the 
9th day of May. 

Mr. Davis, of Florida, moved to fix it for the 14th day of 
June. 

Mr. McGraw, of West Virginia, moved to fix the date for 

July 4- 

The Chair announced that the roll would be called on the 
selection of the date for holding the convention. The dates 
proposed were May 9, June 14 and July 4. 



Meeting, February 22, 1900. 11 

The Secretary called the roll, and the following States voted 
for May 9 : 

Kansas, Idaho, Nebraska, Oregon, Washington, Wyoming, 
Oklahoma. 

The following States voted for June 14 : 

Alabama, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, 
Indiana, Iowa, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Mis- 
souri, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Rhode Is- 
land, South Carolina, South Dakota, Virginia, Indian Terri- 
tory and New Mexico. 

The following States voted for July 4 : 

Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky, 
Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, New Jersey, New 
York, North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Texas, 
Utah, Vermont, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Alaska and Ari- 
zona. 

Before the vote was announced by the Secretary, the fol- 
lowing changes were made : 

Idaho to June 14. 
Oregon to July 4. 
Nebraska to June 14. 
Washington to July 4. 
North Carolina to July 4. 
Kansas to June 14. 
Michigan to July 4. 
Wyoming to June 14. 

The Secretary then announced the result of the vote as fol- 
lows : 

Those voting for June 14 : Alabama, California, Colorado, 
Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Massachu- 
setts, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hamp- 
shire, South Carolina, South Dakota, Virginia, Wyoming, In- 
dian Territory and New Mexico — 21. 

Those voting for July 4: Arkansas, Connecticut, Dela- 
ware, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Mich- 
igan, Minnesota, Montana, New Jersey, New York, North Caro- 



12 Meeting, February 22, 1900. 

lina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, 
Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Washington, West Vir- 
ginia, Wisconsin, Alaska and Arizona — 28. 

Those voting for May 9: Oklahoma — 1. 

The Chair : Gentlemen : The vote stands in favor of 
July 4, 28 votes ; in favor of June 14, 21 votes ; in favor of May 
9, 1 vote. Twenty-seven votes being a majority of the entire 
vote cast, the Fourth of July is selected as the date. 

On motion the following was adopted as the official call for 
the convention : 

The Democratic National Committee, having met in the 
City of Washington on the 22nd day of February, 1900, has 
appointed Wednesday, the 4th day of July, 1900, as the time, 
and chosen the City of Kansas City, Missouri, as the place for 
holding the Democratic National Convention. Each State 
is entitled to representation therein equal to double the num- 
ber of its Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the 
United States, and each Territory, Alaska, Indian Territory 
and the District of Columbia, shall have six delegates. 

All Democratic, conservative reform citizens of the United 
States, irrespective of past political associations and differ- 
ences, who can unite with us in the effort for pure, economical 
and constitutional government, and who favor the Republic 
and oppose the Empire, are cordially invited to join us in send- 
ing delegates to the Convention. 

Mr. Johnson introduced the following resolution, which 
was adopted : 

Whereas, Honorable Lawrence Gardner, the member of 
our committee representing the District of Columbia, has de- 
parted this life since the last meeting of our committee; 
therefore be it 

Resolved, That the members of this committee sincerely 
mourn the loss of their congenial and respected associate, and 
that his life-long labors for the great principles we have at 
heart are appreciated by those of us who remain, and should 
be long and gratefully remembered by his party and his coun- 
try. 



Meeting, July 2, 1900. 13 

On motion of Mr. Campau the Chair was authorized to ap- 
point a committee of seven, to have exclusive control of the 
management of the next convention. 

The Special Committee on vacancy from the District of 
Columbia announced that it would not be able to report at this 
session. 

On motion of Mr. Gorman, of Maryland, Mr. Norris was 
elected as a member of the National Committee from the Dis- 
trict of Columbia to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Mr. 
Gardner. 

On motion of Senator Jones (Gov. Stone being in the chair) 
the Vice Chairman was authorized to appoint a committee to 
audit the accounts of the National Committee from time of 
the Chicago Convention until the meeting of the convention 
at Kansas City. 

The Vice Chairman named Mr. McGraw, of West Vir- 
ginia, Mr. Guffey; of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Campau, of 
Michigan, as the special auditing committee. 

On motion of Mr. Howell the committee adjourned to meet 
at Kansas City, Mo., on the 2nd day of July, 1900, at 10:00 
o'clock A. M. 



KANSAS CITY MEETING. 

FIRST DAY.— MORNING SESSION. 

Kansas City, Mo., July 2, 1900. 

The National Democratic Committee met in the parlor? of 
the Kansas City Club, Kansas City, Mo., pursuant to call of 
the Chairman, at 10:30 o'clock A. M., July 2, 1900, Hon. 
James K. Jones presiding. 

The Secretary called the roll and the members and proxies 
present were recorded as follows : 
Alabama — Henry D. Clayton. 

Arkansas — M. V. Thompkins (Proxy for T. C. McRae). 
California — J. J. Dwyer. 
Colorado — Adair Wilson. 



14 Meeting, July 2, 1900. 

Connecticut — William Kennedy (Proxy for Alex. Troup). 

Delaware — R. R. Kenney. 

Florida — J. Emmet Wolfe (Proxy for Samuel Pasco). 

Georgia — Clark Howell. 

Idaho — George Ainslie. 

Illinois — Thomas Gahan. 

Indiana — John Overmeyer (Proxy for J. G. Shanklin). 

Iowa — C. A. Walsh. 

Kansas — J. G. Johnson. 

Kentucky — Urey Woodson. 

Louisiana — N. C. Blanchard. 

Maine — S. C. Gordon. 

Maryland — F. Victor Baughman (Proxy for A. P. Gorman). 

Massachusetts — George Fred Williams. 

Michigan — *D. J. Campau. 

Minnesota — T. D. O'Brien. 

Mississippi — W. V. Sullivan. 

Missouri — W. J. Stone. 

Montana — John MacGinnis (Proxy for J. J. McHatton). 

Nebraska — W. H. Thompson. 

Nevada — Clayton Belknap. 

Nezv Hampshire — True L. Norris. 

Nezv Jersey — Harry B. Paul (Proxy for P. D. Baker). 

New York — Frank Campbell. 

North Carolina — Josephus Daniels. 

North Dakota — T. B. Eaton (Proxy for I. P. Baker). 

Ohio — S. E. Johnson (Proxy for John R. McLean). 

Oregon — J. H. Townsend. 

Pennsylvania — J. M. GufTey. 

Rhode Island — George W. Green (Proxy for R. B. Comstock). 

South Carolina — B. R. Tillman. 

South Dakota — James M. Woods. 

Tennessee — James M. Head. 

Texas — J. G. Dudley. 

Utah— A. W. McCune. 

Virginia — Peter J. Otey. 

Vermont — John H. Senter (Proxy for B. B. Smalley). 

Washington — Lee B. Hart (Proxy for W. H. White. 

West Virginia — John T. McGraw. 



Meeting, July 2, 1900. 15 

Wisconsin — J. M. Clancey (Proxy for E. C. Wall). 

Wyoming — F. W. Fleming (Proxy for W. H. Holliday). 

Alaska — C. D. Rogers. 

Arizona- — R. C. Dryden (Proxy for W. H. Burbage). 

Oklahoma — Whit M. Grant. 

Indian Territory — Thos. Marcum. 

New Mexico — H. B. Fergusson. 

District of Columbia — James L. Norris. 

Mr. Williams, of Massachusetts : Mr. Chairman : In 
view of the fact that there are contesting delegations from 
Montana, Indian Territory, Oklahoma and District of Colum- 
bia, I move that the Chair appoint sub-Committees consisting of 
five members, to hear the evidence in each case, and report to 
the Committee which delegation should, in the opinion of the 
Sub-Committee, be placed on the temporary roll call of the 
Convention. 

Mr. Campbell, of New York : I move as an amendment 
to Mr. Williams' motion that the delegation from Montana 
headed by Mr. Clark be placed on the temporary roll call of 
the Convention. 

The motion was put on the amendment offered by Mr. 
Campbell, and lost. 

The original motion was then adopted unanimously. 

The Chair announced the special Committees to hear and 
report on the several ccntests as follows : 

For Montana — Mr. Williams, of Massachusetts, Chairman ; 
Mr. Campbell, of New York; Mr. Clayton, of Alabama; Mr. 
Fergusson, of New Mexico ; Mr. Wilson, of Colorado. 

For Indian Territory — Mr. Daniels, of North Carolina, 
Chairman ; Mr. McGraw, of West Virginia ; Mr. Gahan, of 
Illinois ; Mr. Ainslie, of Idaho ; Mr. Head, of Tennessee. 

For Oklahoma Territory — Mr. Kenney, of Dalaware, Chair- 
man ; Mr. Gordon, of Maine ; Mr. Johnson, of Ohio ; Mr. 
Woods, of South Dakota; Mr. O'Brien, of Minnesota. 

For District of Columbia — Mr. Woodson, of Kentucky, 
Chairman ; Mr. Norris, of New Hampshire ; Mr. Paul, of New 
Jersey ; Mr. Overmeyer, of Indiana ; Mr. Clancey, of Wiscon- 
sin. 



16 Meeting, July 3, 1900. 

On motion of Mr. Head, of Tennessee, the Secretary was 
directed to place the names of delegates from States and Terri- 
tories, where no contests had been filed, on the temporary roll 
of the Convention. 

Gov. Stone, Acting Chairman of the Sub-Committee, hav- 
ing in charge the arrangements for the Convention, made a 
verbal report, saying that regardless of the fact that the Con- 
vention Hall had been destroyed by fire in April, it had been 
rebuilt and everything was in readiness for the Convention to 
assemble. 

In the matter of tickets he announced that each member of 
the National Committee would receive ten general tickets of 
admission, and five platform seats personally, and four for 
each of the delegates from his State; that about fourteen 
hundred tickets had been reserved for distribution in emergency 
cases. 

On motion of Mr. Campau, the Committee adjourned until 
10 130 o'clock A. M. Thursday, July 3. 



SECOND DAY.— MORNING SESSION. 

Kansas City, July 3, 1900. 
The National Democratic Committee met at the Kansas 
City Club at 10 .-30 A. M., Chairman Jones presiding. 

The roll was called showing a full attendance. 

The Sub-Committee on the Oklahoma contest reported as 
follows : 

Kansas City, Mo., July 3, 1900. 
Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

We, your Sub-Committee appointed to hear the evidence 
and report on the contest from the Territory of Oklahoma, 
beg leave to recommend, after due deliberation, that the Dele- 
gation known as the Wrightman Delegation be placed on the 
temporary roll call of the Convention. 

Kenney. Chairman. 



Meeting, July 3, 1900. 17 

On motion the report of the Committee was unanimously 
adopted. 

The Sub-Committee on the contest from the Indian Terri- 
tory reported as follows : 

Kansas City, Mo., July 3, 1900. 
Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

We, your Sub-Committee, appointed to hear the evidence 
and report on the contest from the Indian Territory, beg leave 
to recommend, after due deliberation, that the Delegation 
known as the Marcum Delegation be placed on the temporary 
roll call of the Convention. Head, Chairman. 

On motion the report was unanimously adopted. 

The Sub-Committee on the contest from the State of Mon- 
tana reported as follows : 

Kansas City, Mo., July 3, 1900. 
Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

We, your Committee, appointed in the matter of the con- 
tested delegation from the State of Montana, beg leave to report 
that the majority of the Committee have arrived at a conclu- 
sion in the matter, and recommend to this Committee that they 
place on the preliminary roll the Delegation headed by Mr. 
Clark. Williams, Chairman. 

On motion the report was unanimously adopted. 

On motion of Mr. Tarpey, Prince David Kawananakoa, of 
Hawaii, was admitted to a seat on the floor pending the crea- 
tion of the position of National Committeeman from the Terri- 
tory of Hawaii by the Convention. 

On motion of Mr. Blanchard the Committee took an indefi- 
nite recess to await the report of the Sub-Committee on the 
Oklahoma contest. 

recess. 

Committee reassembled at 1 1 130 A. M. 

The Chair announced the first business in order was the 
selection of a Temporary Chairman to preside over the Con- 
vention. 



i8 Meeting, July 3, 1900. 

Nominations being in order Mr. Wilson placed in nomi- 
nation the name of Gov. Chas. S. Thomas, of Colorado. 

Senator Kenney presented the name of Hon. David S. Rose, 
of Wisconsin. 

A roll call was ordered on the selection of Temporary 
Chairman. 

The Secretary announced the result of the roll call as fol- 
lows : 

Thomas 24 

Rose . 22 

The Chair (Mr. Blanchard) : Gov. Chas. S. Thomas hav- 
ing received a majority of all the votes cast has been chosen as 
the Temporary Presiding Officer of the Convention. What is 
the further pleasure of the Committee? 

Mr. Campbell : I cast my vote for Mr. Rose, believing 
that it was good policy, but now that it has been decided by 
a majority vote of the Committee that Gov. Thomas should be 
the Temporary Chairman, I move that his selection be made 
unanimous. 

The motion was adopted, and Gov. Thomas was declared 
the unanimous choice of the Committee as Temporary Pre- 
siding Officer of the Convention. 

On motion Hon. C. A. Walsh was named as Temporary 
Secretary, and Col. John I. Martin as Temporary Sergeant- 
at-Arms of the Convention. 

On motion the Temporary Secretary and Temporary Ser- 
geant-at-Arms were authorized to name their own assistants. 

On motion of Senator Tillman the Committee took a recess 
until 4 :oo o'clock P. M. 



SECOND DAY.— AFTERNOON SESSION. 

Kansas City, Mo., July 3, 1900. 
The Committee reassembled at 4 130 P. M., Chairman Jones 
presiding. 

The Sub-Committee on the District of Columbia contest 
reported as follows : 



Meeting, July 3, 1900. 19 

Kansas City, Mo., July 3, 1900. 
Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

We, your Sub-Committee, to whom was referred the con- 
test in the District of Columbia, beg leave to report that we 
have agreed, unanimously, to recommend the seating of the 
Norris Delegation. Woodson, Chairman. 

The report was unanimously adopted. 

On motion of Mr. O'Brien a vote of thanks was tendered 
to Senator Jones for the many courtesies which the members 
of the Committee have received at his hands, and for the able 
and impartial manner in which he has conducted the affairs of 
the Committee. 

On motion a vote of thanks was tendered to Secretary 
W r alsh, Treasurer Dunlap and Sergeant-at-Arms Martin. 

Mr. Tarpey: I desire to present to you Prince David 
Kawananakoa, of Hawaii. He comes here voluntarily, as a 
Democrat, to get in touch with the Democratic party of the 
United States. 

Prince David : I am a stranger to you all, but I wish to 
thank you gentlemen for this courtesy, and to say that I feel 
honored on this occasion to be here present at your meeting, 
and this Convention. 

On motion of Air. Wilson, the committee adjourned to 
meet at 11 :oo o'clock A. M. Wednesday morning, July 4, for 
the purpose of proceeding in a body to the Convention Hall. 



DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



FIRST DAY. 



MORNING SESSION. 



Kansas City, July 4, 1900. 

Pursuant to the call of the Democratic National Commit- 
tee, the Democratic National Convention, to nominate candi- 
dates for President and Vice President of the United States, 
assembled in Convention Hall at Kansas City, Missouri, this 
day at 12 o'clock noon. 

Hon. James K. Jones, Chairman of the Democratic Na- 
tional Committee, called the convention to order at 12 103 P. M., 
saying : 

The Chair : The Convention will be in order. The Ser- 
geant-at-Arms will clear the aisles. 

Sergeant-at-Arms : The Deputy Seargeant-at-Arms will 
clear the aisles and have the delegates seated. I want to say 
further that there will be no smoking in this hall. 

The Chair : The Secretary will now read the call for this 
Convention. 

The call was read by the Secretary as follows : 

Washington, D. C, February 26, 1900. 

The Democratic National Committee, having met in the 
City of Washington on the 22d day of February, 1900, has ap- 



22 Official Proceedings of the 

pointed Wednesday, the 4th day of July, 1900, as the time, 
and chosen Kansas City, Missouri, as the place for holding the 
Democratic National Convention. 

Each State is entitled to representation therein equal to 
double the number of its Senators and Representatives in the 
Congress of the United States, and each Territory, Alaska, the 
Indian Territory and the District of Columbia shall have six 
delegates. All Democratic conservative reform citizens of 
the United States, irrespective of past political associations 
and differences, who can unite with us in the effort for a pure, 
economical constitutional government and who favor a Re- 
public and who oppose the Empire are cordially invited to join 
us in sending delegates to the convention. 

(Signed.) James K. Jones, Chairman. 

C. A. Walsh, Secretary. 

The Chair : The proceedings of this Convention will be- 
gin by invoking the blessing of Divine Providence, with prayer 
by the Reverend S. M. Neel, of Kansas City. The delegates 
and spectators will please rise and stand during the prayer. 

- PRAYER. 

Almighty God ! God of our Fathers ; we acknowledge Thee 
to be our God. Our nation was formed in faith and hope in 
Thee. Thy providence has protected and guided us in all the 
past. Thy kindness has made us great. We still recognize 
Thee as Sovereign, and acknowledge no other. We are de- 
pendent upon Thee. We look to Thee ; our hope is in Thee. 
Mercifully forgive our sins, and guide us in the way of truth. 
May we never as a nation forget God. Send Thy blessing upon 
the delegates of this Convention. May they conduct the pro- 
ceedings of this Convention so as to work righteousness and so 
that their doings will be acceptable to Thee. Inspire them 
with an exalted patriotism and a proper statesmanship. Thou 
art moving among the nations of the earth. We have come to 
a crisis as to our future policy as a nation. Illuminate us by 
Thy wisdom, that we may have the power to decide wisely 
between right and wrong. 

As Thou hast guided us in the past be pleased, we humbly 
ask, to pilot us over the breakers now. Save us from the of- 
fense of approaching Thee only to have our views ratified. May 



Democratic National Conventiox. 23 

we come in all sincerity and humility to inquire what the Lord 
our God would have us do. Overrule our prejudices and render 
clear our judgment. Save us from the reproach that any power 
among us is Almighty but the will of God as expressed in the 
voice of all thy people. Mercifully preserve us from oligarchy 
and communism. May the principles of the Golden Rule pre- 
vail. May truth, justice, equality and liberty be guarded with 
jealous care; God Almighty, make bare Thy arm. Be Thou 
our God. Grant that what is done here may meet Thy ap- 
proval. Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as it 
is in Heaven. We ask it in the name of Jesus Christ, our Lord 
and Saviour. Amen. 

Chairman Jones : Gentlemen of the Convention, I now 
have the pleasure of presenting to you the Democratic Mayor 
of Kansas City, Mayor Reed. 

When Mayor Reed rose to deliver the welcome address on 
behalf of Kansas City he was received with a storm of applause, 
lasting several minutes. When order had been restored, he ad- 
dressed the convention as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : To welcome this 
splendid body of patriots is a sufficient honor for any one life- 
time. You come from all parts of this, the greatest country 
on earth; you come to represent the Democracy of this world, 
a Democracy that was born of no one man's brain, that is the 
crystallized protest of all the ages against oppression and wrong. 
It is as old as the first denunciation of slavery, and as ancient 
as the earliest dream of liberty that ever glorified the horizon 
of the human soul. Wherever human hearts have longed for 
equality, wherever lips have uttered an invocation to liberty, 
wherever eyes have swept the skies of tyranny and looked for 
a star of hope, there has been a Democrat. The parent springs 
that form the source of the river of Democracy are lost amid 
the ruins of antiquity, and, though sometimes apparently ab- 
sorbed by the burning suns of tyranny or seemingly swallowed 
by the sands of ignorance, it has continued to flow ; but in its 
sweep through the centuries its waters have reddened with 
the blood of martyrs, lighted with the ghastly glare of funeral 
pyres, and its banks have echoed with the shouts of patriots 



24 Official Proceedings of the 

contending for human right. Today the stream of Democracy 
is a mighty torrent, promising life and liberty to all humanity. 

The history of Democracy is the history of the struggle for 
human liberty, which began when man first oppressed his 
brother. We hear its voice out of the night of time, and in 
the shadows of the past we behold humanity's uplifted face 
turned toward the sun of liberty and hope, and ere the torch 
of learning had been lighted it wrote its record on the rock 
and ancient monuments in pictured stories of revolts of slaves. 
Through all centuries it has been the dream of poets, philoso- 
phers, sages, and statesmen, and in every age, condition and 
clime its fires have burned within the breast of universal man. 
To gain the boon of liberty, myriads have offered up their lives. 
That we might all be free, thousands have, with uncomplaining 
lips, endured the torture of collar, rack and wheel, and, amid 
the red embraces of the flames of martyrdom, with parched 
and blistered lips, proclaimed the rights of man. 

At last there came the great awakening of the masses. Then 
began the sanguinary struggle of the centuries — the tremen- 
dous battle for human liberty. It was fought out amid the 
valleys of the Alps and on their frozen peaks ; it raged along 
the bloody dykes of Holland ; it swept through the passes of 
Switzerland ; it rolled across the snows of Russia. It trans- 
formed the lovely dells of Ireland to ghastly catacombs of 
death. It filled the gutters of Paris with torrents of blood. It 
rolled and raged and thundered back and forth across the face 
of earth — a mighty tidal wave of passion — a cataclysm of woe — 
livid with flame and blood, till all the soil of Europe was red 
with gore and all her plains strewn thick and white with bleach- 
ing skeletons. 

Yet with it all, the battle for freedom was not won. It was 
to gain this priceless boon our fathers left their native shores 
and builded here a temple in the wilderness — a temple de- 
voted to liberty. They poured their heart's blood on its sacred 
altars ; they swore to defend it with their fortunes and their 
honor, and on a hundred bloody fields from Lexington to York- 
town they maintained it with their lives. They came, not as 
the sons of a kind mother that had sent them forth with bless- 
ings on their hopes ; but driven by unnatural and cruel hands 



Democratic National Convention. 25 

from home and kindred, they sought and founded on the inhos- 
pitable bosom of the new world a resting place and home, and 
in the pure, unpoisoned atmosphere of nature they evolved a 
theory of government founded upon the fatherhood of God 
and the brotherhood of man. They sought to create a republic 
that would be eternal, and, as its chief bulwark, they promul- 
gated a constitution guaranteeing equality and liberty, and in 
their Declaration of Independence they proclaimed the divine 
rights of man. 

To preserve these liberties untrammeled, they warned suc- 
ceeding generations against entangling alliances with the pow- 
ers of the old world; they declared that European aggression 
should stop at the western shores of the Atlantic ocean, and 
pledged the world that the United States, reserving to herself 
the right of dominance of the Western hemisphere, would for- 
ever abstain from intermeddling with the affairs of trans- 
oceanic powers. 

Chief among the great men who wrought this mighty work, 
a colossus amid giants, the one man whose soul compassed the 
horizon of human rights, the one man whose mind fully em- 
braced the problem of human liberty, the one man who was 
capable of understanding the great and fundamental principles 
upon which free governments rest, was Thomas Jefferson, 
patron saint of Democracy. 

In these days, when the ship of state has abandoned its old 
moorings, has thrown overboard its chart and compass and is 
drifting upon the high seas of speculation and adventure, it 
is well, perhaps, to remember that it was Thomas Jefferson 
who sounded the note of warning to future generations, and 
said : "I hope the day is not far distant when a meridian of 
partition shall be run through the center of the oceans, on the 
hither side of which no European gun will ever be heard, nor 
an American on the other." In these days, when we are being 
f old that Jefferson was an expansionist, it is well to remember 
this utterance and to recall the fact that the expansion Jefferson 
believed in was expansion upon American soils, where Ameri- 
can men and women could establish homes, and where the 
plant of liberty could be reared by patriotic hands. It is well 
enough to remember that the expansion of Jefferson gave to 



26 Official Proceedings of the 

the Saxon race the soil upon which you now stand, soil that is 
capable of raising not only good American citizens, but the best 
type of the best citizens on earth, invincible, unconquerable 
Missouri Democrats. 

The doctrine of Jefferson was the doctrine of all the fathers 
of the Republic. They told us that "eternal vigilance was the 
price of liberty." "That entangling alliances were to be 
avoided." "That the United States should content herself with 
supremacy in the Western hemisphere." "That standing 
armies were a constant menace to liberty." That the constant 
effort should be to uplift the masses of men, so that American 
citizenship would forever remain the badge and title of man- 
hood. 

For nearly a century and a quarter we have followed their 
example and given heed to their teachings. The Republican 
party has latterly, it seems, concluded to try the experiment 
of entangling alliances. It longs for standing armies, it pines 
for a world supremacy; it has concluded that money is holier 
than humanity, "So Israel has gone after strange gods!" 

The other day the representatives of the party that has em- 
braced these new doctrines met in convention and, having 
first thanked God that they were not as other men, resolved 
in effect that they had taxed all the people for the benefit of 
the corporations and proposed to keep it up ; second, that they 
were eternally opposed to the trusts they had thus created and 
continued to foster. And then they selected Mark Hanna to 
exterminate these same trusts. Imagine Mark Hanna, with a 
copy of the Dingley bill in one hand, the Republican platform 
in the other, flanked and supported by the stockholders of a 
modern New Jersey eleemosynary institution, mounted upon 
that ancient and ferocious animal, the Republican elephant, 
like a modern Don Quixote, inaugurating a crusade against 
trusts. Consider, if you please, the consternation that sort of 
attack would cause among the trusts. 

But why abandon old policies ? . Why embark upon the ocean 
of experiment? In what way could we improve the achieve- 
ments of the past ? History may be examined in vain for a par- 
allel. Rome, in her proudest hour, does not merit a comparison. 
Greece, at the very summit of her greatness, was not equal in 



Democratic National Convention. 27 

importance with the smallest of our States. England has been 
a thousand years in building, yet we excel her in wealth, 
population, and in every branch of trade, commerce, art, edu- 
cation and intelligence. And we have done all this in 124 
years. Let romance stand aside before the marvelous panorama 
of truth. 

From thirteen scattered colonies to more than fifty States 
and Territories. From a fringe along the rocky shores of the 
Atlantic to a land embraced by the two oceans. From three 
million to eighty million citizens. From the poorest to the 
richest of earth's nations. From the humblest to the proudest 
and greatest. We have conquered forest and stream. The 
terra incognita of the father is the home of the son, teeming 
with life and energy, dotted with cities, seminaries of learning, 
homes of art, and, above all, thronged with a happy, prosper- 
ous, intelligent and patriotic people. 

The inhabitants of every clime look with wonder at the spec- 
tacle. 

The monarchs of Europe no longer dare attempt to crush 
American Democracy. They know that in a contest of power 
America may stand upon her seagirt shores and defy the united 
world. They know more than this, that the eyes of the op- 
pressed of every clime are turned toward the flag of our coun- 
try and that in their hearts they whisper the benediction they 
dare not speak aloud. They know we no longer fear them. 
They know that we are, and, if old policies are observed, will 
remain their masters. Hence, those who have despised us in 
the past as friends now seek to entangle us in their villainous 
alliances. The hour that was feared by Washington and Jeffer- 
son and Monroe, and by all our immortal dead, at last has 
5 truck. 

Americans, if you will but heed the teachings of the fathers, 
the star of your greatness will shine forever in the heavens 
of security. If you will but keep the faith, the rays of the last 
sun that ever lights this earth will fall upon the temples and 
spires of mighty American cities where still will dwell the 
children of liberty, and its dying glories will paint each spire 
and dome with gold, and kiss them until they glow with crim- 
son, and the last breeze that, like an expiring breath, is wafted 



28 Official Proceedings of the 

o'er this bank and shoal of time will lovingly caress the silken 
flag of our country, starry banner of liberty; then, as in the 
past, floating over free men's heads ; then, as in the past, stand- 
ing for justice and equity, for right and virtue; then, as in 
the past, without bloodstains of oppression ; then, as in the 
past, the unsullied emblem of Liberty, Purity and Honesty. 

O, Liberty, Liberty! Thou art the pole star of this human 
race, shining out through the night of time. Thou art the 
beacon light that o'er the troubled waters of humanity still 
sheds the glory of a future hope. May thy fires burn on forever, 
for when thy light goes out, then will be night indeed. 

Today you meet upon soil acquired by a Democratic Presi- 
dent. You are guests of the Missouri Democracy, a Democ- 
racy that has never faltered in its allegiance, that in the hour 
of triumph leads the van, in the day of disaster withstands the 
shock, and forms the rallying point for scattered hosts. What 
the old guard was to the armies of Napoleon, what the thin 
red line was to the army of Wellington, what Jackson's wall of 
living stone was to the Confederacy, what Thomas's corps was 
to the Federal forces, the Democracy of Missouri is to the 
Democracy of the nation. It is an inflexible granite wedge 
driven into the domain of Republicanism, and in the name of 
that Democracy, in the name of all the people of Missouri, 
regardless of party, in the name of our great and representative 
Democratic city, I welcome you to our homes and to our hearts. 

Permit me in conclusion simply to express the hope, nay, a 
perfect and absolute confidence, that your deliberations will be 
so wise, your counsels so prudent, your motives so patriotic, 
that they will find the cheers of today echoed by those of the 
American people that shall ring in victory for the Democratic 
party on election day. 

The Chair : I am directed by the National Committee to 
suggest the following gentlemen as the officers of your tem- 
porary organization : 

For Temporary Chairman : Hon. Chas. S. Thomas, of Colo- 
rado. 

For Temporary Secretary: Hon. C. A. Walsh, of 5owa. 

For Sergeant-at-Arms : Hon. John I. Martin, of Missouri. 

For Assistant Secretaries : F. A. McDaniel, of Utah ; W. 



Democratic National Convention. 29 

A. Deford, of Kansas ; James K. Jones, Jr., of Arkansas ; 
James Mytton, of Missouri ; Rees P. Horrocks, of Arkansas. 

For Chief Reading Clerk : Charles S. Hampton, of Michigan. 

For Assistant Reading Clerks : Lem J. Smith, of Colorado ; 
J. H. Gillespie, of Iowa; E. E. Murphy, of Kansas. 
For Official Stenographer : Robert F. Rose. 

The Chairman then called for a vote on the recommenda- 
tions of the National Committee for temporary officers, and 
declared them unanimously elected. 

The Chair : I will appoint as the committee to escort the 
Temporar}' Chairman to the platform, Mr. Clayton, of Ala- 
bama, and Mayor Rose, of Milwaukee. 

The Committee retired and escorted Mr. Thomas to the 
platform. 

The Chair: Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention. It 
is with pleasure that I present your Temporary Chairman, 
Governor Thomas, of Colorado. 

Governor Thomas then addressed the convention as fol- 
lows : 

Fellow Democrats : We meet under most auspicious in- 
fluences. On the Nation's birthday, in a great central city of 
the Republic, at the close and opening of a century, we come 
together to reafTrm our allegiance to the principles of Thomas 
Jefferson and our loyalty to their greatest living exponent. 
We have been selected by the farmer and the artisan, the miner 
and the mechanic, the producers of wealth in every State and 
Territory of this mighty nation, to register a decree they have 
already determined, to proclaim a candidate they have already 
chosen. We come, not with the pomp and circumstance of con- 
solidated wealth, but as the delegates of the plain people who 
believe that all men are created equal, and that all governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. 
We are not here as the representatives of the vast interests 
which dominate our industrial life, but as the champions of 
the individual citizen who stands helpless in their presence. 
We speak not for those who would pivot the finances of the 
world upon a single metal, supplementing its inadequacy by a 
paper currency issued by a private monopoly at the expense 
of the people, but for the millions who believe in the money 



30 Official Proceedings of the 

of the Constitution, and in the ability of their countrymen 
to legislate for themselves without the previous permission 
of foreign parliaments, potentates or princes. 

We are in very truth the party of the people. Our declara- 
tion of faith and purpose given to the world four years ago 
has been strengthened by the passage of years, and is enshrined 
today in our hearts and hopes. It marked an epoch in political 
history and symbolized the regeneration of the party whose 
birth was coeval with the birth of the Union, whose death that 
Union cannot long survive. It crystallized into an undying 
creed precepts of our founders, reaffirmed the objects of 
Democratic organization, and proclaimed Democracy to be no 
longer a name, but "a great spirit and a living heart." 

The close of President Harrison's administration found 
the country face to face with conditions of the gravest moment. 
A deficiency in the public revenues, through the reckless legis- 
lation and profligate extravagance of the Fifty-first Congress, 
had become apparent in the preceding October. A bond issue, 
prepared in February, was postponed as a legacy to the incom- 
ing administration. Trade and industry, long stimulated by 
unequal tariff laws, were staggering toward a crisis. Monetary 
conditions disturbed and uncertain, threatened early dis- 
aster. The storm came in June, when the elements long pent 
up and long accumulating burst in fury upon the continent. It 
shook the foundations of our commercial fabric, overwhelmed 
every branch of trade and industry and spread bankruptcy and 
desolation everywhere. Its subsidence was the work of years-. 
The misery and ruin it inflicted are fresh in the minds and 
hearts of the people. The country slowly emerged from the re- 
ceding flood, the stricken nation struggled to its feet and pain- 
fully began the work of economic reconstruction, while states- 
men discussed the causes of our calamity. In the agony of 
our suffering they clearly perceived and freely acknowledged 
its primal source, a vicious and indefensible monetary system. 
Men differed as to the method of its reformation ; not as to 
the necessity for a change. They wrangled over the merits of 
the standards, but united in condemning an unsound and arti- 
ficial financial system, the logical outcome of whose operation 
was inevitable disaster. 

The line of division between political forces became there- 



Democratic National Convention. 31 

fore sharply defined in 1896 upon what was called the Money 
Question. That question involved, as we then asserted and 
as we now know, every other economic problem. It embraced 
within its wide limitations the issues of labor and capital, of 
combination and competition, of production, transportation and 
distribution. It was predicted that the defeat of bimetallism 
would be followed by the retirement of all forms of government 
currency, by the delegation of the power of note issue to the 
holders of the national obligations, the practical consolidation 
of all lines of transportation, and the consequent domination of 
every commercial pursuit by a score of colossal monopolies. 
These predictions have in general been verified. 

The Democratic defeat had scarcely been recorded when the 
march of consolidation was resumed. Every pursuit that en- 
gages the attention of man has been exploited, capitalized and 
appropriated. The earth and the waters round about it have 
been expored for subjects of monopoly, and those who have 
thundered against unsound money have used the printing press 
and the engraver's art to turn out thousands of millions of fic- 
titious values, to whose profit the toilers and consumers pay 
constant tribute. Every avenue of industry is closed to the 
competitive energies of the citizen ; has been listed on the stock 
exchange and rises and falls with the turn of the gambler's 
card. Consolidations succeed consolidations, and as they les- 
sen in number they enlarge in the volume of their real and fic- 
titious accumulations, and their more despotic sway over all 
material and political interests. These evils, startling in their 
magnitude and inevitable in their consequences, must either 
culminate in one immense aggregation, all powerful and all 
absorbing, or be arrested and dissolved by the force of an 
aroused public opinion finding expression at the polls in sup- 
port of the nominees of this convention. 

The party in power carried the last election by and through 
the support of the influences we now criticize. Having pur- 
chased the right to pursue their various objects, the Govern- 
ment has been at all times their powerful ally. Hence the on- 
ward march of organized wealth to absolute power and the 
exaltation of the dollar above the rights and the welfare of the 
multitude. Hence the crisis in our commercial affairs, whose 



32 Official Proceedings of the 

issue, presented in acute form to the voters of 1900, is that of 
industrial despotism as against the liberty of the citizen. 

Democracy wages no war against wealth. Under her 
beneficent rule, its creation and amassment have ever been 
among the most worthy objects of human effort. The desire 
for material comfort and well being is the very mainspring of 
progress. The wealth that comes as the reward of honest in- 
dustry and thrift commands and must receive the encourage- 
ment and protection of the law. But the wealth that comes 
through partnership with the government, which usurps its 
prerogatives and perverts its agencies, which absorbs the re- 
sources and blasts the opportunities of the individual, crushes 
competition, levies tribute on the producer and consumer, cor- 
rupts and poisons all branches of official life, and reduces the 
citizen to dependence upon its will, excites our just apprehen- 
sions. Free institutions must languish where the communism 
of wealth prevails. Official integrity cannot survive its temp- 
tations. Against its continued prevalence the conscience of 
the nation must be quickened and aroused if its baleful influ- 
ences are to be destroyed. Modern monopoly is the offspring 
of the Republican party. It is the genius of organized commer- 
cialism. It has neither conscience, sentiment nor patriotism. 
It knows neither justice nor morality. Its inspiration is greed 
and its purposes accumulation. Corruption is its necessary 
instrument. No public servant is too high, none too low, to 
escape its influences. Its hand is on the throat and in the 
pocket of every human being in the nation. It sneers at the 
rights of man and defies the sovereignty of States. It regu- 
lates wages, and the prices of life's necessities. It divides the 
territory of the Union into commercial provinces, punishes in- 
tegrity and rewards the unscrupulous. It gives or refuses em- 
ployment at its pleasure. It blacklists the workingman and 
sets him adrift to starve in the midst of plenty. It marches its 
battalions of employees to the polls, places its chosen ballot 
in their hands, and coerces their support for its favored candi- 
dates. It is enthroned in the councils of the nation and the 
States, sits upon the bench, and makes and expounds the law. 
It gives millions to its political protector to debauch the con- 
sciences of freemen and receives ten-fold return through the 



Democratic National Convention. 33 

legislation that it dictates. It is marching to despotism un- 
der the canopy of the Republic. Either the trust or the gov- 
ernment must disappear. 

At the demand of the so-called financial interests the pres- 
ent. Congress has enacted a new currency law. By its terms 
the Government has presented to the national banks twenty- 
five millions of dollars, given them control of our circulation, 
provided for the payment in cash of the premium values of 
the greater part of its bonds, and created a perpetual national 
debt. It has declared for the payment of all obligations in 
gold, stricken from its contracts the reserved right of the Gov- 
ernment to use its own money for the payment of debts, 
and delegated private interests the power to supplement all 
deficiencies in the circulating medium by a paper money whose 
volume they shall regulate, and which the people are taxed 
to support. The greenback and the treasury note are retired, 
an inert mass of $150,000,000 in gold is to be kept in the 
treasury by the issue of bonds whenever necessary, the cur- 
rency must shrink and swell as the judgment of selfishness 
shall dictate, and the pretended menace of bimetallism against 
"sound money and the national honor" has been evaded. 

This law, commended by the money changer and the holder 
of idle capital, seeking investment where taxation can be 
avoided, is the culmination of a series of enactments begin- 
ning with the measure of 1869 to strengthen the public credit, 
by which the financial affairs of the Union have been placed 
wholly within the control of a select few and the burden of 
debt is constantly increased by the sacrifice of property values. 
It is the logical sequence of that sinister influence which has 
from time to time introduced changes in the public obliga- 
tions whereby every covenant in the public interest has dis- 
appeared. It contains within itself a pandora's box of evils 
which time will surely open. Those who now applaud will 
live to curse it ; its beneficiaries will repudiate it when the 
wrath of an outraged people shall be aroused by the exper- 
ience of its operation. The skies are smiling now and the 
hills are green, but the storm-cloud already gathers over those 
who have bartered the dearest interests of the people to the 



34 Official Proceedings of the 

organized greed of a power whose avarice cannot be satiated 
with the universe. 

Against this iniquitous scheme of finance, Democracy pro- 
tests. We will have no money system founded upon the pub- 
lic debt and dictated by those who hold it. We stand for 
the gold and silver of the Constitution, for a paper currency 
founded upon them and issued by the Government as the 
embodiment of our sovereignty. We will not tax the people 
for the maintenance of a private money system. We would 
pay and not perpetuate our public debt. We will dig our 
metal from the hills and open our mints to their coinage. We 
will pay no tribute to Caesar for that which is our own. We 
will scourge the money changer from the temple of our treas- 
ury and reconsecrate it to the service and the welfare of 
the common people. 

Those who assert that the money question is dead have 
given but little heed to the lessons of experience. It can 
never die until it shall receive a righteous solution. If it 
be true that our monetary circulation is the life blood of our 
commercial system, it must follow that upon its wholesome 
quantity depends our continued welfare. Nostrums admin- 
istered in time of stress may postpone but cannot defeat the 
demand for complete and thorough renovation of a vicious 
and destructive policy. The Democratic party will accept 
nothing short of this. No substitute for the bimetallic prin- 
ciple upon which substantial and enduring prosperity must de- 
pend. Through all vicissitudes of political fortune the needle 
of its compass points to that as the magnetic star of sound 
national policy. 

The phenomenal increase in the annual output of gold has 
materially added to the general stock of primary money and 
partially relieved the stress of contraction which succeeded 
the closure of the Indian mints to silver in 1893. The con- 
sequent improvement in business and industrial conditions 
may be traced directly to this fact, although the failure of 
crops in various portions of the world and the waging of a 
great offensive war, with its accompanying expenditure of 
treasure, have contributed to the general result. The en- 
largement of the sum of our metallic money has cheapened 



Democratic National Convention. 35 

its value, stimulated prices and set the wheels of enterprise 
again in motion. 

No more signal demonstration of the bimetallist contention 
was ever witnessed. Had the concurrent coinage and circu- 
lation of the two metals been uninterrupted, they would have 
kept the quantity of our money of redemption in harmony 
with our national growth and our development apace with 
the increase of wealth and population. The terrible crises 
of the past quarter of a century with their attendant miseries 
and bankruptcy would have been avoided, and prosperity would 
have remained with us, unbroken and enduring. The false 
plea of 1896, that the monetary volume was sufficient and 
the world's supply of gold ample for its needs, is now trans- 
parent. Its error is admitted in the boast of our opponents 
that they have increased our per capita circulation. The 
vast quantities yielded by the mines are readily absorbed by 
the ceaseless demand for its use, and its multiplied increase 
is earnestly hoped for. No voice is raised against its con- 
tinued production. No fear is expressed that we can be em- 
barrassed by its abundance, yet its annual output exceeds that 
of gold and silver in the years when the latter was repudiated 
because of its threatened inundation. Our opponents stand 
confounded by the irresistible operation of a law they have 
denVri. Industry breathes with more content because there 
is more money for her purposes, and her votaries in the pres- 
ence of its operation unites with Democracy in proclaiming 
the great truth that civilization gains and humanity advances 
with every addition to the world's stock of gold and silver, that 
each is the hand-maid of the other and both essential to the 
constant and harmonious progress and development of the 
world. 

If the enormous gold yield of the past five years were inde- 
finitely prolonged and the areas of the gold standard were not 
extended, the needs of bimetallism would be relatively incon- 
sequent. But the production of gold and silver oscillates, 
one or the other always preponderating. The pendulum will 
again swing to the other extreme. Bimetallism, knowing this, 
knows also that the crisis returns if man shall reject the offering 
nature presents for our continued prosperity. Looking back- 



36 Official Proceedings of the 

ward over the past and forward to the coming years, we 
ask this great nation to provide against recurrence of disaster 
by adhering to the system of finance which the fathers crys- 
tallized in the Constitution and base its future policy on that 
secure foundation. 

The prevailing sentiment of Democratic sympathy for all 
people struggling for the blessings of liberty compelled the 
administration two years ago to interfere with the despotic 
tyranny of Spain over Cuba, and secure to the oppressed peo- 
ple of that island the right of self-government. Our ulti- 
matum delivered, we solemnly and officially declared them to 
be free and independent, and "disclaimed to the world any 
disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction 
or control over the island, except for the pacification tliereof," 
and asserted our determination when that was accomplished 
to leave the government and control of the island to its people. 

The conditions of the ensuing war sent Admiral Dewey 
to the distant Philippines, where another people engaged in 
the same struggle with the same oppressor, appealed to the 
Same impulses of our nature. There he broke the power of 
Spain, which, suing for peace, submitted to the liberation of 
Cuba and the cession of Puerto Rico. Our Government dis- 
dained the spirit of its manifesto of April, and became the 
purchaser of the Philippines in January. Since then, we have 
given Cuba the benefit of our civic institutions by governing 
her through the War Department. We have kept faith with 
Puerto Rico by substituting the sugar baron for the Castillian 
duke, and confirmed the Philippine estimate of the white man 
by prolonging the Spaniard's method of colonial government 
in those islands of the far-off seas. The national sympathy 
for all who seek self-government has been made the instru- 
ment by which cupidity and greed hold a feeble nation in 
thralldom. The right of purchase is invoked to justify the 
adoption of a so-called colonial policy by the great Western 
Republic, and her glorious institutions are declared to be for 
home consumption. The Constitution is bounded by the do- 
main of the forty-five States, and the Congress it created has 
absolute jurisdiction over all that lies beyond them. The Rill 
of Rights has become a bill of platitudes, military govern- 



Democratic National Convention. 37 

ments centralized in the War Department are the agencies of 
benevolent assimilation wherever the flag floats beyond the 
confines of the ocean. Imperialism has become a favorite word 
in the national vocabulary. Destiny is the name of its fate- 
ful brother. Trade expansion is the mystic verbal tie that 
binds them. All are paraded as the cause or the excuse for 
every sin against the organic law of our fathers, while clam- 
orous appeals to a so-called patriotism drown the solemn warn- 
ings of sages and of statesmen against the certain tendencies 
of the new dispensation. The salve of unavoidable necessity 
is applied to the national conscience, while its criticisms are 
stilled by the incantations of trade statistics compiled in the 
interests of monopolies which pursue their pathway of con- 
stant accumulation through all the vicissitudes of the eventful 
years, unmindful of the decay of our institutions and unper- 
turbed by the ebb and flow of the surging tides of public 
opinion that soon shall overwhelm all who have used the ma- 
chinery of the Republic for the extinction of a commonwealth. 
We have cheerfully submitted to a burdensome taxation 
that Cuba might be free ; that Puerto Rico might enjoy the her- 
itage of our Constitution. We have consecrated our sons to 
the cause of liberty and sent them freely forth to extinguish 
the last vestige of despotism in our hemisphere. We protest 
against payment of tribute or the devotion of life to the cause 
of empire. We will emulate monarchy neither in conquest 
nor in government. We would perpetuate the Monroe Doc- 
trine, and realize with Jefferson that its first and fundamental 
maxim is never to entangle ourselves in the broils of the old 
world. We need not despoil the helpless that we may trade 
with them. We realize that a standing army is the attendant 
of Imperialism. We would avoid the latter because, once 
avowed as a national policy, it must undermine our domestic 
institutions. We would avoid it because its adoption must 
lead to other wars and other conquests, to the shedding of 
innocent blood, to burdensome taxation, to a hopeless national 
debt, to the forcible annexation of other lands, to constant 
entanglements with the affairs of other nations, in short, to 
all the evils foreseen by the Father of his Country, and de- 



38 Official Proceedings of the 

picted in that immortal address whose earnest warnings are 
forgotten or disregarded by our rulers. 

We would have no colonial system. Its pestilent brood 
has already hatched in the Havana postoffice and has grown 
apace for months in distant Manila. It is the fruitful mother 
of oppression and maladministration. It has no place in tfre 
economy of a republic. It cannot live in the atmosphere of 
freedom. It is the asylum of dishonesty and incompetency. 
It broods fraud, wrong and scandal. It makes a tyrant of 
the ruler, a rebel of the ruled. It deceives and beguiles the 
home government. It robs and plunders the subject people. 
It is an instrument of despotism and the antagonist of Democ- 
racy. It requires for its successful operation a permanent 
military establishment. Our national standard has a stripe 
for every State that framed the Union, a star for every com- 
monwealth of the sisterhood. It has neither place nor emblem 
for subject peoples or colonial systems. 

We believe in that expansion which under Democratic 
rule brought half the continent as a galaxy of commonwealths 
into the Union. We denounce that expansion which by con- 
quest overcomes the people of another hemisphere under the 
pretext of giving them liberty, which governs them by force, 
which denies to them the rights of citizens, which subjects 
the American workman to the competition of hordes of Orien- 
tals coming hither from so-called American provinces to take 
his place at the forge, in the mine and the factory. 

The stretch of thirty-three peaceful years from the close 
of the Rebellion to the opening of the war for Cuban inde- 
pendence' has wrought no change in the valor and self-denial 
of the American soldier. Inspired by the loftiest patriotism, 
the highest devotion to country, he has again testified his readi- 
ness and ability to wage her battles and win her victories. 
On land and sea, under burning tropic suns, he is the same 
invincible fighter whose fathers at Yorktown, at New Orleans, 
at San Jacinto and at Gettysburg established, maintained and 
perpetuated the Republic. To all of them, soldier and sailor, 
the nation's gratitude extends. Its debt should be requited 
to their widows and their orphans, to those stricken by bul- 
let and pestilence, to the helpless and the deserving. To care 



Democratic National Convention. 39 

for the men who stand, and for the loved ones of those who 
fall in conflict for the nation is the most sacred of our obli- 
gations, and it shall be our constant care to enforce its just 
and full observance. 

The sentiment which animates the American volunteer and 
makes him first among soldiers finds its inspiration in popu- 
lar government, in the identification of the citizen with the 
Republic. The same spirit impels American sympathy wher- 
ever Democracy battles for existence or struggles for estab- 
lishment. Wherever freedom makes a stand, or liberty utters 
protests, they find response in the hearts and hope of our peo- 
ple. Love of independence is confined to no land or latitude. 
In sunny France, in the South American republics, on the 
boundless veldts of South Africa, it has given strength to 
arms that fight and courage to hearts that beat for home and 
liberty. It has been baptized in the best blood of martyred 
heroes everywhere, and we who have for a century bathed 
in the sunlight of its blessed presence pay instinctive homage 
to its defenders in other climes. May the day never come 
when a free people, struggling against the dismemberment or 
destruction of their country, shall look in vain for sympathy 
and consolation to us as their exemplars. 

We would build the Nicaraguan canal as an American en- 
terprise for the American people. We would operate it in 
times of peace and control it in times of war. We would for- 
tify it notwithstanding the protests or the objections of trans- 
atlantic powers. We would share the benefits and responsi- 
bilities of its management with no associate. We would con- 
cede its advantages in times of peace to other nations under 
terms and conditions of our own prescription, and deny to 
them any other identification with its affairs. 

We would form political alliances with no countries what- 
ever. We neither need nor desire them. For a century and 
a quarter we have survived the envies and the enmities of 
Europe. We have flourished notwithstanding the civil and 
foreign conflicts of that eventful period. When we were weak, 
confronted with the embarrassments of distracting internal dis- 
sensions, with a government of ill defined authority, with un- 
developed resources and a sparse population, our friendship 



40 Official Proceedings of the 

was solicited, our strength despised. Today we are quoted 
by the nations which would utilize our strength and profit by 
our association. We are reminded of the difference between 
blood and water, of the identity of our speech and origin, of 
the tremendous advantages that must accrue to us through an 
alliance with kin beyond sea. We are told that the grow- 
ing needs of commerce, the expansive force of trade, iden- 
tity of interests and institutions, the bond of a common des- 
tiny, demand a better understanding with the mother land. 
These and other considerations continually suggested and fa- 
vorably received justify our protest against any bond of in- 
ternational union. It is as true now as ever that, "It is folly 
in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another 
that it must pay with a portion of its independence for what- 
ever it may accept under that character. There can be no 
greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from 
nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must 
cure, which a just pride ought to discard, 

We would relieve the people of the burden of taxation. 
If administrative authority is to be credited, the Spanish- Amer- 
ican conflict ended eighteen months ago. The same authority 
assures us with every moon that the Philippine insurrection 
is over. The treasury is bursting with a plethoric revenue, 
millions whereof are deposited with favorite banks which lend 
it to the people on their own terms, that the volume of circu- 
lation may not suffer diminution. Notwithstanding these con- 
ditions, there is no surcease of taxation. Measures cunningly 
devised to fall upon the backs of the people and screen large 
interests from responsibility for the public burdens, willingly 
assumed and cheerfully borne in the heat of conflict, press 
with full weight in times of peace with no signs of relief 
from the party in power. Unnecessary taxation is unjust tax- 
ation, and unjust taxation by whatever name it may be called 
is the plunder of the citizen by his Government. 

We would investigate the public expenditures and demand 
an accounting for the millions that have been lavished in the 
purchase of naval stores and war munitions, in supplies, equip- 
ment and transportation. We would inquire into the conduct 
of the war, stamp out favoritism in high places, and reward 



Democratic National Convention. 41 

the real heroes of the conflict. We would ascertain and fix 
the responsibility for the terrible mortality of our military 
camps, for the inefficiency of bureaucrats and their subordi- 
nates, and for the needless sacrifice of thousands of our sol- 
diers to the cupidity of contractors and the inefficiency of ap- 
pointees. 

We would have for our chief magistrate a man sprung 
from the loins of the people, rockribbed in his convictions 
and controlled by the admonitions of his conscience. A man 
of lofty ideals and steadfast courage. A man to 
whom his country's Constitution appeals as a living 
sacred reality. A man who exalts the duties, the rights and 
the welfare of his fellow-citizens above the sinister and cor- 
roding influences of centralized commercialism. A man whose 
ear is untuned to the pulsations of the pocketbook, but re- 
sponsive to the heart throb of the masses. A man with no 
Warwick behind his chair, with policies that are his own. A 
man with strong opinions, and a strong will to enforce them. 
A man conscious of liis country's dignity and power; of its 
capacity to cope with all conditions. A man who measures 
the greatness of the Republic by the protection it gives to the 
humblest citizen. A man whose clear vision perceives the 
causes, and whose steady judgment determines the remedy for 
the public ills. A man who will lay the strong hand of au- 
thority upon the vast interests dominating the moral, indus- 
trial and political life of the nation, and maintain the integ- 
rity of our institutions against all their designs and encroach- 
ments. A man who recognizes no dignity greater than that 
of an American citizen, no right more sacred than that which 
secures to him the full enjoyment of every opportunity that 
a land like ours affords. A man whose opinions do not change 
with his apparel, whose policies are not fashioned from day 
to day by extraneous influences, whose "plain duty" consists 
not in sanctioning the repudiation of his own counsels. We 
want a man of no plastic mould, conforming his opinions to 
passing impressions of popular sentiment, as facile in their 
abandonment as in their advocacy. We want a man to whom 
right is greater than expediency, who postpones no duty to 
the demand of privilege, who is loved by the multitude, re- 



42 Official Proceedings of the 

spected by the world, and feared only by those who distrust 
the people. 

The Republican party boasts of almost unbroken rule for 
nearly forty years. Its mission was to defeat the extension 
of slavery and destroy that institution. It appealed to the 
moral forces of the Republic, and founded its organization 
upon the principles of the Declaration of Independence. It 
was triumphant. A great war waged under its administration 
effaced slavery from the land, and forever determined the 
integrity of the Union. Since then it has undergone complete 
and marvelous change. It once declared its opposition to "all 
combinations of capital." It has become the exponent and 
defender of capital in all its forms, the protector of every 
political evil that has arisen since the war to assail or menace 
the welfare of the citizen. The emancipator of the negro, it 
has fostered those commercial conditions which are fast es- 
tablishing a system of 'industrial slavery. Once solemnly de- 
claring "the maintenance of the principles of the Declaration 
of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution to 
be essential to the preservation of our republican institutions," 
it now maintains the right to govern subject peoples by the 
sword. Once declaring the people by tradition and interest 
to favor bimetallism and "condemning the policy of the Demo- 
cratic Administration in its efforts to demonetize silver," it 
now renounces that ancient doctrine and claims credit for its 
complete destruction. More recently declaring for Cuban in- 
dependence, it scarcely disguises its present purpose to absorb 
that island. There was a time when it put its trust in the 
people. Since then it has put the people in its trusts. There 
was a time when its standards were lofty and ennobling. Its 
only standard now is Standard Oil. There was a time when 
its ideals shone like precious gems throughout the dust and 
heat of party strife. Its ideals now are the party machine 
and the party campaign fund. Its battle cry years ago was, 
"Freedom and the Union." If due credit is given to one of 
its modern leaders, its motto for 1900 is, "Gold and Glory." 
It is a far cry from the ringing tocsin of i860 to the buccaneer 
refrain of 1900, yet it well typifies the shameful transforma- 
tion. If, to its alliterative attraction we add monopoly and 



Democratic National Convention. 43 

militarism with trusts and taxation, and place the dollar mark 
above them on its waving banners, the world will gaze upon 
the composite picture of its last official declaration. 

Against the continuance of this party in power we enter 
protest. With the man exalted above the dollar, the Consti- 
tution above the combination, the equality of all before the 
law, with solemn promises to correct the abuses of administra- 
tion and to enforce those fundamentals of government which 
secure exact justice to all, we shall not appeal in vain to the 
wisdom, the intelligence and the patriotism of the American 
people. 

(At the conclusion of Governor Thomas' speech there was 
an outburst of applause lasting several minutes.) 

The Chair: The Chair recognizes Honorable Daniel J. 
Campau, of Michigan. 

Mr. Campau: Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer a resolu- 
tion, as follows : 

"Whereas, The Republican party recently in Philadelphia, 
the cradle city of Liberty, where the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was written, and the Constitution framed, did indorse an 
administration which has repudiated the Constitution, and did 
renominate a president who has betrayed the principles of the 
Declaration ; and, 

"Whereas, This Convention is composed of men who have 
the same faith as their fathers had in this immortal instrument ; 
therefore, be it 

"Resolved, That as a reaffirmation of Democratic fealty to 
the fundamental principles of American liberty, the secretary of 
this Convention be and is hereby directed to read the glorious 
Declaration of Independence, drafted by that Democrat of Dem- 
ocrats, Thomas Jefferson, and adopted one hundred and twenty- 
four years ago today." 

(At the conclusion of the reading of the resolution, a 
dozen or more delegates from various States seconded the 
motion, and when the Chairman said, "All in favor of the 
motion signify by saying aye," delegates and audience alike 
rose to their feet with a mighty roar of "Aye," and the band 
started to play "The Star Spangled Banner" amid wild cheer- 
ing. At this point a bust of Bryan, sculptured by Richard 
F. George, son of the late Henry George, and presented by 
him to the Convention, was brought to the front of the plat- 
form, wrapped in the American flag. This was the signal 



44 Official Proceedings of the 

for a fresh outburst of enthusiasm, and at the demand of 
various sections of the hall, the bust was turned to face suc- 
cessively toward the North, South, East and West; each time 
being received with vociferous cheering.) 

The Chair : As directed by your vote, the Secretary will 
read the Declaration of Independence. 

Charles S. Hampton, of Michigan, Chief Reading Clerk, 
read the Declaration of Independence as follows : 

declaration of independence. 
"When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary 
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- 
nected diem with another, and to assume among the powers 
of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws 
of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect 
to the opinions of mankind requires that. they should declare 
the causes which impel them to the separation. 

"We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are 
created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain unalienable rights ; that among those are life, liberty 
and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any 
form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is 
the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti- 
tute a new government, laying its foundation on such princi- 
ples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall 
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Pru- 
dence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established 
should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, 
accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more 
disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right 
themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- 
tomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, 
pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to re- 
duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is 
their duty, to throw off such government and to provide nevy 
guards for their future security. Such has been the patient 
sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessitv 



Democratic National Convention. 45 

which constrains them to alter their former systems of govern- 
ment. The history of the present king of Great Britain is 
a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in 
direct object, the establishment of an absolute tyranny over 
these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid 
world : 

"He has refused to assent to laws the most wholesome and 
necessary for the public good. 

"He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immedi- 
ate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their oper- 
ation till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so sus- 
pended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

"He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation 
of large districts of people, unless these people would relin- 
quish the right of representation in the legislature; a right 
inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

"He has called together legislative bodies at places un- 
usual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their 
public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into 
compliance with his measures. 

"He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights 
of the people. 

"He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, 
to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, 
incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large 
for their exercise, the State remaining, in the meantime, ex- 
posed to all the danger of invasion from without, and con- 
vulsions within. 

"He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
States ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturaliza- 
tion of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their 
migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropria- 
tions of lanas. 

"He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refus- 
ing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 



46 Official Proceedings of the 

"He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the 
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
salaries. 

"He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither 
swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their 
substance. 

"He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, 
without the consent of our legislatures. 

"He has affected to render the military independent of, 
and superior to, the civil power. 

"He has combined, with others, to subject us to a juris- 
diction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by 
our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legisla- 
tion. 

"For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us. 

"For protecting them by mock trial, from punishment, for 
any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of 
these States. 

"For cutting off our -trade with all parts of the world. 

"For imposing laws on us without our consent. 

"For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial 
by jury. 

"For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pre- 
tended offenses. 

"For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh- 
boring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, 
and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an 
example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute 
rule into these colonies. 

"For taking away our charters, abolishing our most val- 
uable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our gov- 
ernments. 

"For suspending our own legislatures and declaring them- 
selves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases what- 
soever. 

"He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out 
of his protection, and waging war against us. 



Democratic National Convention. 47 

"He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our 
towns and destroyed the lives of our people. 

"He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign 
mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and 
tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and per- 
fidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally 
unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

"He has constrained our fellow citizens, taken captive on 
the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become 
the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall them- 
selves by their hands. 

"He has excited domestic insurrection amongst us, and has 
endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the 
merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an 
undistinguished destruction, of all ages, sexes and conditions. 

"In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for 
redress, in the most humble terms ; our repeated petitions have 
been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose char- 
acter is thus marked by every act wmich may define a tyrant, 
is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

"Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British 
brethren. 

"We have warned them from time to time, of attempts 
made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdic- 
tion over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of 
our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to 
their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured 
them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these 
usurpations which would inevitably interrupt our connections 
and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice 
of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce 
in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them 
as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, 
friends. 

"We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of 
America, in general congress assembled, appealing to the 
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- 



48 Official Proceedings of the 

tions, do in the name, and by the authority of the good people 
of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare : That these 
United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and inde- 
pendent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance 
to the British crown, and that all political connection between 
them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally 
dissolved ; and that, as free and independent States, they have 
full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, 
establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which 
independent States may of right do. And for the support 
of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of 
divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, 
our fortunes and our sacred honor." 

(At the conclusion of the reading of the Declaration of 
Independence, there was another burst of applause that lasted 
for some minutes.) 

The Chair : The Secretary has an announcement to make. 

The Secretary : Mile. Mattie Fulton, of New York, will 
sing "The Star Spangled Banner," and the audience is re- 
quested to stand. 

(Mile. Mattie Fulton rendered the national air, ending with 
"America"; the audience joining, accompanied by the band.) 

Joshua W. Miles: Mr. Chairman — Because it is pecu- 
liarly and historically appropriate, I desire in the name of the 
Maryland delegation to move a vote of thanks to this beautiful 
New York woman for the splendid way in which she has ren- 
dered this song, written by a Maryland song writer. 

The motion was put and carried unanimously. 

Robert J. Lowe, of Alabama, introduced the following 
resolution, which was adopted : 

"Resolved, That the Secretary announce the selections as 
made by the various State delegations of one member to serve 
on the Committee on Credentials, one member to serve on the 
Committee on Permanent Organization, one member to serve 
on the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, one mem- 
ber to serve on the Committee on Platform and Resolutions, 
and that the committees as thus constituted be the standing 



Democratic National Convention. 49 

committees of this convention. That all resolutions relating 
to the platform, and all communications addressed to this 
convention, be referred without reading or debate, to the Com- 
mittee on Platform and Resolutions, and that the credentials 
of each delegation be delivered to the member of the Committee 
on Credentials from such delegation." 

By direction of the Chair, the Secretary called the roll of 
States, and the following committees were announced: 

committee on credentials. 

Alabama— A. H. Merrill. 
Arkansas — W. H. Martin. 
California — Frank Freeman. 
Colorado — T. J. Malony. 
Connecticut — E. M. Graves. 
Delaware — E. D. Hearne. 
Florida — H. H. McCreary. 
Georgia — W. B. Burnett. 
Idaho — John G. Brown. 
Illinois— Dr. J. W. Hall. 
Indiana — Daniel W. Simms. 
Iowa — E. H. Bickford. 
Kansas — John H. Atwood. 
Kentucky — Speed Guffey. 
Louisiana — R. F. Broussard. 
Maine— G. G. Weld. 
Maryland — Joshua W. Miles. 
Massachusetts — A. C. Drinkwater. 
Michigan — Charles H. Kimmerle. 
Minnesota — William Gausewitz. 
Mississippi — R. H. Henry. 
Missouri — Thomas J. Delaney. 
Montana — H. L. Frank. 
Nebraska — A. S. Tibbets. 
Nevada— P. C. Weber. 
New Hampshire — John B. Nash. 
New Jersey — Frank McDermett. 
New York— P. H. McCarren. 
North Carolina — A. D. Watts. 



50 Official Proceedings of the 

North Dakota — Thomas Conyers. 

Ohio— W. E. Finck, Jr. 

Oregon — J. D. McKennon. 

Pennsylvania — John M. Garman. 

Rhode Island — John E. Conley. 

South Carolina — J. W. Stokes. 

South Dakota 1 — Charles S. Eastman. 

Tennessee — R. R. Carmack. 

Texas — Edward Gray. 

Utah— A. J. Weber/ 

Vermont — Rollin S. Childs. 

Virginia — H. G. Buchanan. 

Washington — J. W. Godwin. 

West Virginia — S. W. Walker. 

Wisconsin — J. E. Malone. 

Wyoming — Wm. Hinton. 

Alaska — Charles D. Rogers. 

Arizona — George O. Olney. 

Indian Territory — W. T. Hutchings. 

New Mexico — O. N. Marron. 

Oklahoma — J. C. Scruggs. 

District of Columbia — John A. Clarke. 

Hawaii — Charles T. Wilder. 

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION". 

Alabama — Frank S. White. 
Arkansas — J. C. Yancey. 
California — J. S. Sweet. 
Colorado — John McCombe. 
Connecticut — Richard C. Morris. 
Delaware — J. G. Gray. 
Florida — B. H. Palmer. 
Georgia — J. J. Spalding. 
Idaho— W. B. McFarland. 
Illinois — Free P. Morris. 
Iowa — J. M. Parsons. 
Indiana — Joseph H. Shea. 
Kansas — C. W. Brandenburg. 
Kentucky— M. C. McOuown. 



Democratic Xatioxal Convention. 

Louisiana — J. E. Ransdell. 

Maine— Samuel W. Gould. 

Maryland — Joseph S. Wilson. 

Massachusetts — M. M. Cunniff. 

Michigan — John C. Weadock. 

Minnesota — J. J. Kilty. 

Mississippi — E. J. Bowers. 

Missouri — John A. Knott. 

Montana — F. G. Higgins. 

Nebraska — W. H. Taylor. 

Nevada — Clayton Belknap. 

New Hampshire — W. J. Ahem. 

New Jersey — Thomas M. Ferrel. 

New York — John D. Lynn. 

North Carolina — R. H. Speight. 

North Dakota — Hugh McDonald. 

Ohio — W. S. Thomas. 

Oregon — J. H, Raley. 

Pennsylvania — Rufus K. Polk. 

Rhode Island— P. J. Boyle. 

South Carolina — A. C Latimer. 

South Dakota — True W. Child. 

Tennessee — G. F. Milton. 

Texas — S. R. Scott. 

Utah — William T. Knox. 

Vermont — George Atkins. 

Virginia — J. F. West. 

Washington — J. M. Jamieson. 

West Virginia — J. A. Howard. 

Wisconsin — L. G. Bohmrich. 

Wyoming — Walter L. Larsh. 

Alaska — Charles D. Rogers. 

Arizona — George W. P. Hunt. 

Indian Territory — J. F. Sharp. 

New Mexico — E. C. DeBaca. 

Oklahoma — A. M. Mackey. 

District of Columbia — William T. Whelan. 

Hawaii — Prince David Kawananakoa. 



52 Official Proceedings of the 

committee on rules. 
Alabama — Frank S. White. 
Arkansas — Phil D. Scott. 
California — J. H. Henry. 
Colorado — W. L. Seely. 
Connecticut — Thomas F. Kelly. 
Delaware — Geo. Draper. 
Florida— R. D. McDonald. 
Georgia — Price Gilbert. 
Idaho — C. O. Stockslager. 
Illinois — Maurice Maloney. 
Iowa— W. T. Davis. 
Indiana — W. W. Mofett. 
Kansas — James M. Fike. 
Kentucky— M. H. Rhorer. 
Louisiana — W. Ft. Price. 
Maine — John C. Scates. 
Maryland — Charles E. Fendall. 
Massachusetts — William S. McNary. 
Michigan — R. J. Culver. 
Minnesota — H. Himmelman. 
Mississippi' — J. H. Wynn. 
Missouri — J. H. Carroll. 
Montana — R. Fitzgerald. 
Nebraska— H. E. Metzger. 
Nevada — E. L. Bingham. 
New Hampshire — Samuel B. Page. 
New Jersey — James E. Martine. 
New York — F. C. Schraub. 
North Carolina — W. C. Dowd. 
North Dakota 1 — Thomas Regan. 
Ohio — M. F. Merriman. 
Oregon — J. H. Raley. 
Pennsylvania — Howard Muchler. 
Rhode Island — J. J. Fitzgerald. 
South Carolina — Wilie Jones. 
South Dakota — G. W. Mathews. 
Tennessee — Charles G. Parker. 
Texas — A. B. Davidson. 



Democratic National Convention. 53 

Utah — George W. Thatcher. 
Vermont — O. C. Sawyer. 
Virginia — E. E. Montague. 
Washington— J. D. Medill. 
West Virginia— J. D. Alderson. 
Wisconsin — J. Montgomery Smith. 
Wyoming — Horace C. Alger. 
Alaska— William M. Hale. 
Arizona — T. G. Norris. 
Indian Territory — Ed. Lee. 
New Mexico — F. J. Davidson. 
Oklahoma — A. M. Mackey. 
District of Columbia — J. G. Campbell. 
Hawaii— Col. J. D. Holt. 

committee on platform and resolutions 

Alabama — John W. Tomlinson. 
Arkansas — James K. Jones. 
California — James G. Maguire. 
Colorado — S. R. Fitzgarrald. 
Connecticut — H. S. Cummings. 
Delaware — L. I. Hany. 
Florida — Cromwell Gibbons. 
Georgia — L. F. Garrard. 
Idaho— J. W. Reid. 
Illinois — Carter H. Harrison. 
Indiana — S. E. Morss. 
Iowa — J. S. Murphy. 
Kansas — David Overmyer. 
Kentucky — J. C. S. Blackburn. 
Louisiana — W. F. Blackman. 
Maine— F. W. Plaisted. 
Maryland — L. V. Vaughman. 
Massachusetts' — George Fred Williams. 
Michigan — Thos. E. Barkworth. 
Minnesota — P. B. Winston. 
Mississippi — H. D. Money. 
Missouri — W. J. Stone. 
Montana — S. T. Hauser. 



54 Official Proceedings of the 

Nebraska — R. L. Metcalfe. 

Nevada — F. G. Newlands. 

New Hampshire — J. J. Doyle. 

New Jersey — William D. Daly. 

New York — Augustus Van Wyck. 

North Carolina — A. C. Avery. 

North Dakota — G. W. Freerks. 

Ohio — Horace L. Chapman. 

Oregon — N. A. Peery. 

Pennsylvania — Charles P. Donnelly. 

Rhode Island— P. H. Quinn. 

South Carolina— B. R. Tillman. 

South Dakota — John R. Wilson. 

Tennessee— John A. Moon. 

Texas— T. H. Ball. 

Utah — Joseph L. Rawlins. 

Vermont — F. W. McGettrick. 

Virginia — John W. Daniel. 

Washington— O. G. Ellis. 

West Virginia — J. W. St. Clair. 

Wisconsin — D. L. Plummer. 

Wyoming — Charles E. Blydenburg. 

Alaska — Louis L. Williams. 

Arizona — Dr. H. A. Hughes. 

District of Columbia — James L. Norris. 

New Mexico — H. M. Dougherty. 

Oklahoma — J. S. Burns. 

Indian Territory — George Mansfield. 

Hawaii — John H. Wise. 

The Chair: The Sergeant-at-Arms will now announce 
when and where the different committees are to meet. 

The Sergeant-at-Arms announced that the several com- 
mittees would meet in rooms under the balcony in the rear of 
the Convention Hall, immediately after adjournment. 

(A number of marching clubs headed by bands here 
marched through the Convention Hall — the delegates and spec- 
tators rising to their feet.) 

On motion of Senator Jones, of Arkansas, the convention 
took a recess until 4 o'clock p. m. 



FIRST DAY. 



AFTERNOON SESSION. 



Kansas City, July 4, 1900. 

Chairman, Governor Charles S. Thomas., called the con- 
vention to order at 4:45 p. m. 

The Chair : The Secretary will read a telegram of greet- 
ing from Tammany Hall. 

The Secretary read the following telegram : 

"New York, July 4, 1900. 
"Greeting to the Democrats of the Nation: 

"Five thousand Democrats, now celebrating the one hun- 
dred and twenty-fourth anniversary of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, at Tammany Hall, join you in hoping for the 
vindication of the principles enunciated one hundred and twen- 
ty-four years ago by the immortal Thomas Jefferson. 

(Signed) Thomas L. Feitxer, 

"Grand Sachem, Tammany Hall." 

At the conclusion of the reading of the telegram, the Chair 
recognized Mr. Josephus Daniels, of Xorth Carolina, who 
appeared upon the platform and said : 

Air. Chairman : I understand that the Committee on Cre- 
dentials will not .be able to report for some time, and prob- 
ably not tonight. I move you, sir, that we now adjourn until 
8 130 o'clock. 

The motion was adopted and the Chair declared the conven- 
tion adjourned until 8 130. 



56 Official Proceedings of the 

Owing to the confusion throughout the building, neither 
audience nor delegates understood the chairman. After a 
degree of quiet had been obtained, Sergeant-at-Arms Martin 
said: 

Gentlemen of the Convention : The Chair desires the Ser- 
geant-at-Arms to announce that unless the people in the gal- 
leries preserve better order, there will be no guests admitted 
to the gallery at any further session. We must have order. 
The Chair desires further to announce that the convention has 
adjourned until 8:30 o'clock tonight. 




A^x^^^Q^-^Z 



FIRST DAY. 



EVENING SESSION. 



Kansas City, July 4, 1900. 

Chairman Thomas called the Convention to order at 8 135. 

The Chair recognized Mr. Gunnell, of Colorado, who 
moved that Governor John P. Altgeld be invited to address 
the convention. 

The motion was adopted. 

The Chair: I have the pleasure of introducing Gov- 
ernor Altgeld, of Illinois, who will now address you. 
Governor Altgeld addressed the convention as follows : 
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: Today the pat- 
riotic intelligence of America is looking hopefully and anx- 
iously to this convention. Men who want to transmit free 
institutions to posterity, fathers who ask a fair show for their 
sons, and young men asking an equal chance in the struggle 
of life, all look to this convention. They hope that here will 
be proclaimed principles that will not only save republican 
institutions but will again make it possible for a man to earn 
his bread by the sweat of his brow. They hope that here will 
be proclaimed principles which will guide humanity to the 
golden harvest of a new time. They hope that here will be 
nominated men who shall be great, the embodiment of a 
great cause. They look to this convention because 
there is no higher hope from any other source. The 
Republican party, which was born of the humanity which 
came into the world with a mission, which was a mighty moral 



58 Official Proceedings of the 

force in the time of Lincoln, has become a mere criminal 
instrument in the hands of Mark Hanna. They look 
to this convention because we have given proof that 
we were standing for higher things. Four years ago we came 
upon the highland. We quit trimming. We quit straddling. 
We quit using language that has a double meaning. We quit 
following the wake of the Republican party. W r e protested 
against making this country a mere tribute-paying colony 
of England. We declared that America was able to attend 
to her own business. We issued a new Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. We promulgated a new gospel of humanity. 
We went forth armed with that strength that comes 
from candor and from sincerity, and we fought the greatest 
campaign ever waged on the American continent. We tri- 
umphed in the arena of patriotism. We won in the forum of 
intelligence and of reason, but we were borne down by cor- 
ruption, by bribery, by coercion, by crime. For the second 
time in the history of our country, we saw a man enter the 
White House with a certificate of election that was written 
with the dirty finger .of fraud. Since that election 
the experience of the financial world has demonstrated 
that our theory was right ; that the law of finance that we 
argued for is immutable, and that no nation can violate it 
without paying the penalty. Since then accidents have hap- 
pened, calamities have befallen great nations, which have given 
our country a temporary activity and a spurious prosperity. 
But, my friends, you cannot build the hope of a great nation 
on accidents, nor can you feed a great nation on the calami- 
ties of other people. Already there are signs of distress. 
Already you see the struggle in the skies. Now we propose 
to plant this great nation upon a foundation that is in har- 
mony with the law of finance, and that will not only make our 
nation but will make the other people of the world prosperous 
and happy. 

My friends, many years ago it was settled that this nation 
could not be part slave and part free. Today we are here to 
declare that this Republic cannot be part citizen and part sub- 
ject. Again, we are here to declare that when our fathers. 1 _u 
odd wars ago. protested against taxation without representa- 



Democratic National Convention. 59 

tion, when they protested against arbitrary power, they were 
eternally right. The American people are riot, in the year 
1900, going to say that our Revolutionary fathers were wrong, 
and that we have been, wrong for 125 years. 

Xow, my friends, for . four years the enemy, the opposi- 
tion press, has manifested an extraordinary interest in our 
welfare. Every morning for four years the opposition press 
has been a unit in declaring that if we did not change our 
platform, if we did not modify our position, that then we could 
not possibly win. They have manifested an extraordinary 
solicitude for us. Is there a delegate in this convention, is 
there a man or .woman in this conventi'on, that is so innocent 
as to believe that the opposition press wants us to win? 
Does anybody think for a moment that they have been giv- 
ing us this advice all the time in order that we might win ? 
Why, my friends,, they know that moral forces, political forces, 
are led to triumph by the sincerity, the earnestness, and the 
enthusiasm of their devotees. They know that a party which 
builds upon the dynamic force of ideas, and which 'trusts to 
the conquering power of justice, will be invincible, irresistible, 
and will surely triumph. They know that if we stand firmly 
by our colors, if we keep up our enthusiasm, there is not in 
America a force that can prevent the triumph of the Democ- 
racy in this coming election. 

Yea, that is not all. They know more. They know that 
if we triumph while we stand for mighty principles, that then 
we will rule this Republic and will shape the destinies of this 
country for fifty years to come. They know also that a mere 
political victory signifies nothing at all. We have had two in 
recent years, and it is now almost the universal consensus of 
opinion that both of them were a misfortune to the* Democracy 
and to the country. Why is it that the Republican party has 
shaped our policy and ruled this country for forty years? For 
twenty-five or thirty years they have been wrong on every 
proposition, and yet they carried the election. They ruled. 
Why? Because they stood for something definite. They were 
progressive. They were aggressive, while we were seeking to 
patch up contending factions and do~ cheap politics. 

Xow, I concur with those men who sav, we want to win 



60 Official Proceedings of the 

this year. And I will tell you that if we stand by our colors 
we will win this year. And let me also say that if we weaken, 
if we begin to trim, if t we begin to make nice adjustments, then 
we will lose the confidence of the progressive people of Amer- 
ica, and will be defeated and despised. Fortunately our great 
leader has stood like a rock in the ocean beating back the storm. 
Why is it that for the first time in the history of this Republic, 
the Democracy of America from ocean to ocean has risen up 
in favor of one man, and there are not twenty-five delegates 
in this convention who could have come here if their people 
had not believed that they were coming here to support the 
man who is the choice of the Democracy of America? This 
great Democrat who today is in the hearts of the American 
people has gotten hold upon them because they have confidence 
in his sincerity. 

Let him waver, let him hesitate one moment, and he will 
cease to be the idol of the people. He will' fall and be despised. 
Do you not think that he also wants to win? Do 
you believe that he is pushing the presidency aside for a mere 
quibble ? Ah, my friends, - some of you have not sufficiently 
weighed this great question. He sees the peril and he is guard- 
ing against it. Let me ask you this: Four years ago some 
excellent men saw fit to leave us. It was their privilege. They 
now have come back. They are acting' honorably, I believe. - 
They say they will accept the voice of the American Democracy, 
and they will give this man who is to be its candidate anything 
he wants. Well, let me remind you nobody has asked you to 
apologize, nobody has asked you to do a thing that will be 
embarrassing. We have opened the door. We say come in, 
share the fortunes of this family, come along, help us fight 
this great battle, help us put an end to the hypocrisy and to the 
infamy that now rules this republic. Well, now, if we have not 
asked you to make any confession, to make any apology — if 
we have done nothing that is embarrassing to you, do you 
think it will be quite fair to us to ask us to be put in a position 
where the opposition press of America will insist that we have 
trimmed and that we have laid down — that we have failed to 
stand by our colors? Bear in mind, my friends, that the great 
army is standing firm. The great army is not asking any 



Democratic National Convention. 6i 

change. It is asking only to be led into the fight. Now, I ask 
you to come with us. Join with us. Do not ask us to put this 
mighty army in a position that will make it look ridiculous 
before the American people. Why, if we take a posi- 
tion here which the ingenuity of the enemy can distort and 
can misrepresent, we will then look ridiculous — we will seem 
to stand for nothing. The Republicans have declared emphati- 
cally for the English gold standard. Now, if we take a 
position that seems to admit of doubt where will we be ? Why, 
we will be in the position of the donkey which having been 
placed between two bundles of hay, and not having sufficient 
intelligence, not having sufficient force of character to decide 
which to go to, stood still and starved to death. 

What will we gain? Let me ask you this: You say you 
want to win. So do we. What will we gain by allowing any- 
thing to happen that can be construed by the enemy into a 
trimming position? Why, the radical element of the Demo- 
cratic party will leave us. They will have no confidence in us 
if we do not stand firm. We will be destroyed on that hand, 
and will be destroyed on the other hand, for within twenty- 
four hours after we take that position the opposition press 
will ridicule us clear off the political field. You cannot deceive 
anybody. Suppose you leave out sixteen to one. Will you gain 
anything ? Will you gather any votes ? Will you fool anybody 
that way? Why, no, my friends, no. Hiding the head in the sand 
while the body is exposed in air simply shows the species and 
the habits of a bird. It has never yet been accepted by man- 
kind as an emblem of wisdom. Who are the people in whose 
behalf it is suggested that we shall take a departure that means 
our death? They are not the men who have bled upon the 
battlefields of liberty. They are not the men who have pointed 
the way to a nobler civilization. They are not the men who 
have lightened the burden of the toliers. As a rule, they are 
the men who helped to shorten the loaf that the laborer eats. 
As a rule they are the men for whom posterity will build no 
monuments and whose careers the pencil of time will disdain 
to notice. 

We are at the most critical junction in the history of this 
republic. We have reached a time when men must lay aside 



62 Official Proceedings of the 

their selfish ambition and rally to the rescue of Republican 
institutions. Look back, you men of the great Mis- 
sissippi valley. Four years ago you rescued the standards 
of your party from the hands that had held them before and 
you brought them to the West. Shall it be said of you that 
you had not the intelligence, that you had not the character, 
to hold your ground or to stand by and defend the standards 
that are committed to your care? You sons of New England, 
what mean the monuments that greet the morning, and cover 
your hills with glory? They tell of an age when there were 
great men in that land ; they tell the story of men who fought 
for conviction and who died for principle. Shall it be written 
that in one short century the sons of those mighty sires 
frittered away their divine inheritance in the vulgar brothel 
of expediency? 

You men of the South, thirty-five years ago your fields lay 
waste ; your homes were in ashes. All was gone save honor 
and glory. Your land is covered with the graves of your 
brothers who died for what they believed to be right. They 
never truckled to the dollar, and there is not a battlefield on 
this continent where they trimmed. They wrote im- 
perishable history with their blood. For thirty-five years your 
daughters have covered their graves with laurels. Is 
there a delegate from the great South that is will- 
ing to. bring the blush of shame to the cheeks of that proud 
people by doing an act in this convention, or anywhere else, 
that would put him under suspicion of lacking character and 
courage. 

Ah, my friends, not only America, but the liberty-loving 
people of the earth, the enlightened men of all Christendom, 
have their eyes on this convention, watching it to see whether 
it will maintain high principles or whether it will simply do 
politics. We are at the beginning of a new century. We arc 
standing on the threshold of a new time. The world is mov- 
ing forward, and the Almighty is looking to the Democratic 
party to seize this occasion to lead the world onward to a higher 
plane; to lead this country onward to where the sons and 
daughters of America will not be begging for bread. 

(At the conclusion of Governor Altgeld's address there 



Democratic National Convention. 63 

was loud and continuous applause and also loud calls for 
Senator Hill of New York.) 

.The Chair called for order and recognized Mr. Campau 
of Michigan, who said : Mr. Chairman, I desire to know if the 
Chair is informed whether the Committee on Credentials is 
ready to report. 

The Chair : Yes, and the Committee on Rules also. 

Mr. Campau : Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee 
on Rules and Order of Business and the Committee on Creden- 
tials be requested to report at once. 

The motion prevailed. 

The Chairman of the Committee on Rules and Order of 
Business reported as follows : 

report of the committee on rules and order of business. 

"Resolved, That the rules of the last Democratic National 
Convention, including the rules of the House of Representa- 
tives of the LUId Congress, so far as applicable, be the rules 
of this convention. The order of business shall be : First, 
report of the Committee on Credentials. Second, report of 
Committee on Permanent Organization. Third, report of 
Committee on Resolutions. Fourth, presentation and selection 
of a candidate for President of the United States. Fifth, 
presentation and selection of a candidate for Vice-President. 

"John A. Carroll, Chairman." 

The report was adopted by a unanimous vote. 

The Chair : It has been reported to the Chair that a num- 
ber of seats on the floor, reserved for delegates, are occupied 
by outsiders. If that be so, they are requested to take their 
places outside of the rail. And if they do not do so the 
Serjeant-at-Arms and police will see that the seats reserved 
be given to the delegates. 

The Chair recognized the chairman of the committee on 
credentials. 

The Chairman of the committee on credentials read the 
majority report of the committee as follows : 



t>4 Official Proceedings of the 

"Kansas City, Mo., July 4, 1900. 
"To the Chairman of the Democratic National Convention: 

"We, the Committee on Credentials, respectfully report as 
follows : 

"In the matter of the contest of the 20th Congressional 
District of New York; the State of Montana; Indian Terri- 
tory; Oklahoma, and the District of Columbia, after due 
deliberation your committee reports that in the case of the 20th 
Congressional District of the State of New York the regular 
delegation, as named by the National Committee, to-wit. : 
P. E. McCabe and Mark Cohn, as delegates, with William 
E. Millbank and Albert E. Hoyt, as alternates, are entitled to 
seats in this convention as the regularly accredited delegates 
and alternates. 

"In the matter of the contest from the State of Montana, 
your committee reports that the regular delegation, as named 
by the National Committee, to-wit. : W. A. Clark, S. T. Plouser, 
R. Fitzgerald and J. M. Holt, as delegates-at-large, with Frank 
E. Corbett, B. R. Peeler, W. J. Hannah, and N. W. McConnell, 
as alternates-at-large, and Frank Higgins and H. L. Frank as 
district delegates, with Joseph Toomey and L. A. Luce, as 
district alternates, should be and are regularly accredited dele- 
gates and alternates in this convention. 

"In the matter of contests from Oklahoma, Indian Terri- 
tory and the District of Columbia, your committee begs .0 
report that each of the contesting delegations, together with 
the regularly elected delegations as named by the National 
Committee from each of these Territories, are entitled to seats 
on the floor of this convention, with a half vote each. 

"In those States where no contests have been filed, we have 
carefully examined the original credentials and find the same 
to be in correct form and the roster, as prepared by the Na- 
tional Committee, correct and accurate. 

"We attach to this report the complete roster of delegates 
as passed upon by this committee. Respectfully submitted, 

Edward Gray, Chairman. 
"Dated this 4th day of July, 1900. 

"Frank Freeman, Secretary." 



Democratic National Convention. 65 

The Chairman of the credentials committee moved the 
adoption of the report. 

The Chair : Before that motion is put, a minority report 
having reference to some part of the majority report will be 
read. 

The Secretary then read the minority report as follows : 

"Kansas City, July 4, 1900. 
"We, the undersigned members of the Committee on Cre- 
dentials, respectfully state that the regular delegation from 
Oklahoma, as unanimously reported by the Democratic Na- 
tional Committee, after a full hearing on behalf of both 
parties, was seated in the temporary organization; but that 
a majority of the Committee on Credentials, without affording 
any hearing to the contestants, granted them equal representa- 
tion with the delegates seated by the National Committee. 

"We respectfully protest against a verdict without a hear- 
ing, and believe that the action taken by your National Com- 
mittee should be sustained. "J. C. Scruggs, 

"Wm. Gauzewitz, 
"R. R. Carmack." 

Mr. Vandiver, of Maryland : Mr. Chairman, I would like 
to ask the chairman of the committee on credentials if the 
National Committee did not recommend the seating of the 
delegation headed by James Norris, of the District of Colum- 
bia ? They say in their report, sir, that the National Committee 
had recommended the seating of the delegation from Mon- 
tana, headed by Senator Clark. Why do they adopt the report 
of the National Committee, in favor of Mr. Clark and ignore 
the report of the National Committee in favor of James 
Norris ? 

Chairman Gray, of the Committee on Credentials : If the 
Chair would permit it — 

Mr. Vandiver : I am not through. I am told that the re- 
port of the National Committee upon the contesting delega- 
tion, seating delegates headed by James Norris, was not read 
before the committee. If I have been misinformed let the 
chairman of the committee on credentials sav so. 



66 Official Proceedings of the 

The Chair: The Chair will recognize the Chairman of 
the Committee on Credentials, in order to reply to the inquiry 
of the gentleman from Maryland. 

Chairman Gray, of the Committee on Credentials : Mr. 
Chairman, the recommendation of the National Committee 
with respect to the District of Columbia, was not read and was 
not called for, and it was conceded by all the parties represent- 
ing Mr. Norris and his delegation, and it therefore became un- 
necessary to read it because it was conceded. 

The answer to your other questions rests in the consciences 
of the members of the committee. But I can state for the 
edification of the gentleman that upon a roll call, a vote by 
States, a regular roll call, that by a vote of 38 to 8, declined to 
do so. That is the only information which the chairman of 
the credentials committee can give. 

Delegate Vandiver : With all due deference to the chair- 
man of the credentials committee, I would like to ask him 
why the report of the National Committee in the case of Sen- 
ator Clark was read and the report of its sub-committee was 
not read in regard to James Norris ? 

Chairman Gray, of the Credentials Committee: The re- 
port of the National Committee, with respect to Senator Clark's 
delegation, was not read. It, like the other, was admitted. . 

Mr. Vandiver : Admitted without being read. Then how 
can the committee on credentials make a report if they did 
not read the evidence m the case, sir. As a Democrat here 
representing the State of Maryland, I move that a committee 
be requested to retire and bring in a report that we can- under- 
stand. 

The Chair: The delegate from Maryland is requested to 
take the platform. 

Mr. Vandiver : I do not want any platform. 

The Chair : The delegates behind you cannot understand 
your argument sir; turn to them. 

Mr. Vandiver: I move sir — 

The Chair: The motion to adopt is already before the 



Democratic National Convention. 67 

house, or rather it was made prior to the hearing of the 
minority report. 

Mr. Vandiver: The first report is not in regard to the 
case of the District of Columbia. 

The Chair: I simply stated the time when the motion 
was made. 

Mr. Vandiver : The minority report only covered — 

Chairman Gray, of the Committee on Credentials : There 
was no report in respect to the District of Columbia. 

The Chair : The point of order is not well taken, for the 
delegate can talk on the original motion. 

Mr. Vandiver: I want to say to the Chairman of this 
great Convention — ■ 

The Chair : Let me state the question and then the Chair 
will recognize you to speak to it. The motion is that the report 
of the Credentials Committee be adopted, and the Chair recog- 
nizes the gentleman from Maryland if he desires to speak 
upon the motion. 

(In deference to the request of a large number of delegates 
Mr. Vandiver took the platform.) 

Mr. Vandiver : Gentlemen of the Convention — As a repre- 
sentative from the State of Maryland I consider it my duty to 
enter a protest against the report of the Committee on Cre- 
dentials, so far as the District of Columbia is concerned. I 
understand from the members of the committee that Senator 
Clark's case, of Montana, was heard, and the report of the 
sub-committee of the National Committee was read- and 
adopted. I also understand that the report of the National 
Committee upon the case of the delegation, headed by James 
Norris, was not read, and was not acted upon. Senator Clark 
was seated — at least his delegation was seated as delegates of 
this Convention; and the delegation from the District of 
Columbia, headed by James Norris, one-half of it was seated 
and one-half of the contestants was seated. Now, if that is 
just in one case, it is just in the other. A report of the Na- 
tional Committee upon the case of Senator Clark was adopted 



68 Official Proceedings of the 

bu the report of the sub-committee of the National Committee 
upon the case of James Norris was rejected and the delegation 
divided, one-half to the contestants and one-half to the Norris 
faction. Now, is it right for this Convention to entertain the 
question, or entertain the report of the committee as submit- 
ted? I, as a Marylander, protest against it; I, as a Mary- 
lander, only claim that the delegation, headed by James Norris, 
shall be treated as Democrats should be treated, and I enter 
my protest, and I will make a motion to refer the whole matter 
back to the Committee on Credentials when the report has been 
adopted as submitted by the Chairman of the Committee on 
Credentials. 

The Chair: The motion of the delegate from Mary- 
land is to recommit the report back to the Committee on Cre- 
dentials for further report in the case of the District of 
Columbia. 

Mr. Vandiver : I mean so far as the District of Columbia 
is concerned only. 

The Chair: The Chair so stated it. Is the Convention 
ready for the motion of the delegate from Maryland? The 
question is to recommit the report of the Committee on Cre- 
dentials back to that committee for further report so far as 
the contesting delegation from the District of Columbia is 
concerned. 

The motion was put and lost. 

The Chair: The motion now before the convention is to 
adopt the report of the Committee on Credentials. Is the 
Convention ready for the question? 

The motion was adopted unanimously. 

The Chatr: Is the Committee on Permanent Organiza- 
tion ready to report? The Chair recognizes the Chairman of 
the Committee on Permanent Organization, Mr. Spaulding of 
Georgia. 

Hon. J. J. Spaulding, Chairman of the Committee on 
Permanent Organization, read the report of the Committee as 
follows : 



Democratic National Convention. 69 

"To the Democratic National Convention: 

"Your Committee on Permanent Organization respectfully 
recommends that Hon. James D. Richardson of Tennessee be 
made Permanent Chairman of the Convention. 

"It is further recommended that the Temporary Secretary, 
Assistant Secretaries, Sergeants-at-Arms, Reading Clerks, 
Special Officers and Medical Officers, be made the Permanent 
Officers of this Convention; and, in addition, that Hon. Lin- 
coln Dixon of Indiana, Hon. Jefferson Pollard of Missouri, 
Hon. William Cromwell of Kentucky, and Hon. W. F. A. 
Bernamer of Illinois, be named as Assistant Secretaries and 
Reading Clerks. 

"Your Committee further recommends to the Convention 
for Honorary Vice-Presidents, Honorary Secretaries and mem- 
bers of the Notification Committee and National Democratic 
Committee, the gentlemen severally named by the States and 
Territories. Jack J. Spaulding, Chairman. 

"J. F. West, Secretary. 

"July 4, 1900." 

The Chair : Gentlemen of the Convention : You have 
heard the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 
What will you do with it ? 

A Delegate from Kansas : I move its adoption. 

The question w T as put on the motion to adopt the report of 
the Committee on Permanent Organization, and it was unani- 
mously adopted. 

The Chair : I w T ill appoint as a committee to escort the 
Permanent Chairman to the platform, Governor McCreary, of 
Kentucky; Mr. Campau, of Michigan, and Mayor Phelan, 
of San Francisco. 

The Committee retired and escorted Mr. Richardson to 
the platform. He was presented to the Temporary Chair- 
man by Governor McCreary. 

Mr. Richardson, on receiving the gavel from the Tempor- 
ary Chairman, addressed the Convention as follows : 

I am deeply sensible of the high honor you have bestowed 
upon me in calling me to preside over this great Democratic 
Convention. 



yo Official Proceedings of the 

We have been clothed with the authority to formally name 
the candidates who, at the next election, are to be chosen Presi- 
dent and Vice President of the United States ; and to lay down 
a platform of principles upon which the battle is to be fought 
and the victory won. 

With your permission, I will address myself to some of the 
issues of the impending campaign. 

The last great national contest for supremacy was fought 
mainly upon one issue — that is to say, one issue was paramount 
in the struggle. That issue was familiarly called "Sixteen to 
one." It involved the question of the free coinage of gold and 
silver at the ratio of sixteen parts of silver to one part of gold, 
with which all of us are familiar. 

The momentous issue this year is again sixteen to one, but 
the sixteen parts to the one part of this campaign, which I 
will briefly discuss, are wholly different from those of 1896. 
I will first refer to the sixteen parts and then to the one part. 

The sixteen parts are : 

First: We have the issue fraught with indescribable im- 
portance to our people, native born and those who have for 
patriotic reasons cast their fortunes with us, namely, that of 
the Republic against the Empire. On this one part alone of the 
sixteen, if there were no other, we confidently expect to win a 
sweeping victory in November. The Republican party stands 
for the Empire. The Democratic party stands for the Re- 
public, for the Declaration of Independence, and the Constitu- 
tion of our country. 

Second : The paternal and fostering care given by those 
with whom we contend, to the combinations of corporations 
and companies into powerful organizations familiarly known 
as trusts. 

Under three years of Republican rule, while they controlled 
the Presidency, the Senate and the House of Representatives, 
that is, all of the law-making power of the government, trusts 
have been propogated and fostered by legislation until they 
not only dominate all markets, both the buying and selling, but 
defy the very power of the government itself. 

The farcical efforts put forth by the Republican party in 
an alleged attempt to restrain them in the dying hours of the 



Democratic National Convention. 71 

late session of Congress only excited ridicule and contempt, 
and served to emphasize their inability and disinclination to 
grapple the monsters and regulate their conduct and actions. 
No matter what their excuses may be, the fact is their policies 
have created them, and though clothed with all power they 
refuse to enact legislation to control them. 

Third : Called to power March 4, 1897, under a pledge to 
reform the currency, they seized the first opportunity to fasten 
upon the land the highest protective tariff law ever put upon 
the statute books of any country. 

This law was enacted not to raise revenue, but to give pro- 
tection to favored manufacturers. It failed to raise sufficient 
revenue for the government, but answered the purpose of en- 
riching the favored few while it robbed the many, and at the 
same time brought forth trusts to plague us as numerous as 
the lice and locusts of Egypt. Their high protective tariff is 
the mother of trusts. 

Fourth : This administration came into power with a sol- 
emn declaration in favor of bimetallism, and a pledge to pro- 
mote it. It has failed to keep that pledge. It has erected in 
its stead the single standard of gold, and has endeavored to 
destroy all hope of bimetallism. In doing this, it has built up 
a powerful National Bank Trust, and has given us a currency 
based upon the debts and liabilities of the government. 

We stand for bimetallism and not for a monometallic stand- 
ard of either the one or the other metal. 

Fifth : The dominant party has recently made the fraud- 
ulent declaration that it favored the Monroe Doctrine; and 
yet their President and Secretary of State have done all in 
their power to nullify and abrogate that famous and much 
revered Democratic doctrine. 

In the name of its Democratic author, James Monroe, I de- 
nounce their vaunted advocacy of this truly American doctrine 
as false and hypocritical. We stand for this doctrine in its 
essence and form, and demand its rigid enforcement. 

Sixth: In order to obtain place and power they pledged 
themselves, in the interest of an expanding commerce, to con- 
struct a waterway to connect the two great oceans. They 
have repudiated this promise. 



>]2 Official Proceedings of the 

They have negotiated the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, which, 
while it virtually abrogates the Monroe Doctrine, renders it 
impossible to build an American canal. Under the terms and 
provisions of this treaty, which is English and not American, 
the canal can never be constructed. 

We stand for an American canal, owned, constructed, 
operated and fortified by America. 

Seventh : They declared in their platform that their party 
was responsible for the merit system ; that it was their creature, 
and that the Civil Service law should be protected and its 
operation extended. 

Their protection of this law has been such as the wolf gives 
the lamb. They did not dare openly repeal the law or to 
modify it by an act of Congress, but they have insidiously, by 
an order of the President, extorted from him to aid them to 
obtain and hold political power, greatly impaired the efficiency 
of the law. 

By the President's order many thousand lucrative offices 
regularly covered by the Civil Service Law were taken from 
under its protection and these places turned over to his par- 
tisan followers in a vain effort to satisfy their political greed. 

Eighth: They declared in their platform in favor of the 
admission of the Territories of Arizona, New Mexico and 
Oklahoma as States of the Union ; yet, after nearly four years 
of full power they are still Territories. Under the wicked rule 
of law as now applied by the Republican party to some of our 
Territories they may at an early date find erected between 
themselves and the balance of the Union a tariff wall which 
will serve to pauperize them while it enriches others. 

Ninth : When Congress last assembled the President, in 
his first utterance addressed to the Representatives fresh from 
the people, solemnly urged upon them it was their plain duty 
to give free trade to Porto Rico. His party leaders, quick to 
obey his injunctions, made ready to comply with his recom- 
mendations. But in a night, almost in the twinkling of an 
eye, the mighty magnates of the trust swept down upon Wash- 
ington and interposed their strong arm, and plain duty van- 
ished like mist before the rising sun. 

The President wheeled into line, the Republican party re- 



Democratic National Convention. 73 

versed its policy and set up a tariff wall between the island 
of Porto Rico and the remainder of the United States. 

It is not at all surprising that in the recent somewhat 
lengthy declaration of principles enunciated by the party in 
Convention assembled, while they enlarged upon almost every 
political question, they could not find the space to point with 
pride to the achievements of their party in its dealings with 
that unhappy island. 

The Democratic party stands for equal taxation, equal 
rights and equal opportunities to all who come under the folds 
of the flag. 

Tenth : They wholly failed by their legislation or by the 
cheaper method of platform declarations to tell the country 
what their policy is in respect to the Philippine Islands. 

For two years, by their equivocating policy, and no policy 
at all, they have continued in that archipelago a war, expensive 
in human blood as well as in money. Incompetent to deal 
with this question, and too cowardly to avow their real purpose 
of imperialism and militarism in dealing with these and 
kindred colonial questions, they should be retired from power; 
and the control should be given to a party honest, bold and 
patriotic enough to apply American theories and precepts to 
existing conditions, and thereby solve them in harmony with 
the undying principles of the Declaration of Independence and 
the Constitution of our country. 

Eleventh : Another part of the issue of the campaign, this 
year, is the scandalous dealings of a high cabinet officer with 
private banks of the country. These scandals are notorious and 
are based upon the earnest and repeated written demands of the 
officers of some of these banks that they should be favored 
by this Administration because of money contributed by them 
with which to buy the Presidency in 1896. 

Correspondence submitted to Congress shows that, in one 
case at least, an appeal from an institution in New York City 
to the Secretary of the Treasury for financial assistance, be- 
cause, as it was claimed, the officers of that bank had con- 
tributed liberally to the election of the present Chief Execu- 
tive, was not made in vain, and the asked for assistance in this 
case from the government was freely if not corruptly given. 



74 Official Proceedings of the 

Twelfth : The scandals which surround the War Depart- 
ment in feeding embalmed beef to the soldiers, in its purchase 
of old yachts and tugs, ocean liners, ocean tramps, barges, 
scows, etcetera, for use as army transports, constitute an im- 
portant chapter. 

Thirteenth : So also the scandals in connection . with the 
postoffice matters in Cuba ; and the scandal in connection with 
the expenditure of the funds of the Paris Exposition. Time 
will not permit an amplification of all these scandals. 

Fourteenth: They loudly proclaim that theirs is the party 
of liberty, and in their vainglory boast of their very name,. Re- 
publican; yet they are caught coquetting and forming secret 
entangling alliances of the most detestable character with the 
old mother monarchy. They stand supinely by and refuse 
even an expression of sympathy with the Boer Republics in 
their heroic and unequal struggle for existence as against the 
gross oppression and brutal efforts at enslavement of the 
same old tyrant who went down in defeat when he sought to 
prevent the establishment of our liberty loving Republic. They 
thus permit a brave people in love with their free Republic 
institutions to perish from the earth, lest by one word of sym- 
pathy and comfort they might offend the delicate sensibilities 
of their new-found ally — Great Britain. 

Fifteenth : An important chapter is the oft-repeated prom- 
ise, made to be broken, that when the war ceased the oppres- 
sive, burdensome and vexatious war taxes on many articles 
of prime necessity should be repealed or reduced. 

Though the war closed two years ago and notwithstand- 
ing there is a large and growing surplus in the Treasury, not 
one dollar of reduction in these taxes has been made. 

It is known that delegation after delegation of citizens, 
suffering from these burdens, crowded the committee rooms 
at Washington and literally begged for some relief. It is true 
that those of us who constitute the minority of Congress 
joined in that appeal and declared our readiness to support 
any and all measures that might in some degree remove those 
burdens of taxation. But a deaf ear was turned by the Re- 
publicans to all such efforts for relief, and none came. 

It is well known also that no relief will be given by the 



Democratic National Convention. 75 

party in power, and it is vain for overburdened people to look 
to them while present policies are attempted to be enforced. 

The only hope for relief lies in hurling from power the 
Republican party and the restoration of the party which be- 
lieves in simple and economical government. 

Sixteenth and lastly: The cost of Republicanism and its 
twin monster imperialism. 

This is neither the time nor the occasion to discuss in de- 
tail the increased appropriations made necessary by the Re- 
publican policy of imperialism. Briefly, however, I will men- 
tion that the average appropriations per year for all purposes 
of government for the two years immediately preceding the 
Spanish- American war was about $475,000,000. The average 
expenditures per annum for each of the three years since that 
war, including the fiscal year upon which we have just entered, 
show an increase of nearly $300,000,000. The total increase 
for the three years will be nearly $900,000,000. And in like 
proportion it will go on. 

This shows the difference in cost of the Empire as against 
the Republic. These figures refer alone to the money cost of 
the change, and do not include the expense of the blood of 
the American boys, the price of which is far beyond computa- 
tion. In the Republican Congress just closed not one dollar 
could be had for much needed public buildings throughout 
the country at home, but many millions were promptly voted 
to prosecute a war in the far away Philippine Islands. Not a 
dollar for necessary improvements of our rivers and harbors 
at home, but millions to be stolen and squandered in Cuba, and 
our new insular possessions. Nothing for an Isthmian Canal, 
and many other home enterprises and objects, but more than 
two hundred millions were freely given for the army and navy, 
for imperialism and the military, for gold and glory. 

I said at the outset the issue this year was again sixteen 
to one. The foregoing are briefly the sixteen parts of the 
issue. What is the one part? 

We have seen that platform pledges are made and broken. 
That good intentions of men are many times set at naught. 
That plain duty, clearly set forth and understood, is disre- 
garded. That some men are weak and vacilating and may 



y6 Official Proceedings of the 

change their solemn opinions in a day. It is apparent, there- 
fore, to all that in this supreme exigency of the Republic a 
demand goes forth, not for a faint-hearted declaration of plat- 
form platitudes, but for a man. Yes, a man who stands 
like a mighty rock in the desert ; a man who, knowing the 
right, will dare do the right; a man who, "rather than fol- 
low a multitude to do evil, will stand like Pompey's pillar con- 
spicuous by himself, and single in integrity." 

Such a man as the one part this Convention will tender 
to the nation as their candidate for President. A man who is 
unsurpassed as a citizen, unequaled as an orator, courageous as 
a soldier, conspicuous in every element that constitutes the 
typical and the true American, William J. Bryan, of Nebraska. 

(As the last words of Chairman Richardson's speech 
echoed the name of Bryan through the hall, there was a 
burst of applause from the Tennessee delegation that grew in 
volume as it spread among the other delegates and was taken 
up by the audience. In a moment the standards of the several 
States began to flock to the Speaker's stand, until every State 
and Territory was represented. For twenty-eight minutes 
the demonstration lasted, and it was with the utmost difficulty 
that the Chairman, assisted by the Sergeant-at-Arms and a 
number of delegates, was able at last to secure the semblance 
of order, so that the business of the convention could be pro- 
ceeded with.) 

On motion of Hon. J. G. Johnson, the convention at 10 136 
P. M. adjourned until Thursday morning at 10:30 o'clock. 

The following is the official list of delegates from the sev- 
eral States and Territories as reported by the Committee on 
Credentials : 

LIST OF DELEGATES. 

ALABAMA. 

AT LARGE. 

John T. Morgan. Frank S. White. 

A. H. Merrill. Robert J. Lowe. 

District. District. 

1st — Massie Wilson. 2nd — Tennent Lomax. 

W. A. Moseley. F. M. T. Tankerslev. 



Democratic National Convention. 



77 



District. 

3rd — H. T. Benton. 

Geo. H. Malone. 
4th— W. W. Burns. 

J. W. McElraith. 
5th — N. D. Denson. 

M. B. Ambercrombie. 
6th — L. B. Musgrove. 
Walter Nesmith. 



District. 

7th— C. L. Haley. 

T. C. Banks. 
8th— C. E. Albes. 

R. T. Simpson. 
9th — J. W. Tomlinson. 

J. G. Moore. 



ARKANSAS. 

AT LARGE. 



James K. Jones. 
James H. Berry. 

District. 

1st— M. M. Stuckey. 

H. E. Ruff. 
2nd— W: H. Martin. 

J. H. Hinemon. 
3rd— C. W. Smith. 

A. L. Skillern. 



Jeff Davis. 
James P. Clarke. 

District. 

4th— T. M. Mehaffey. 

J. H. Page. 
5th— P. D. Scott. 

Frank Pace. 
6th — J. C. Yancey. 

J. M. Archer. 



CALIFORNIA. 

AT LARGE. 



Stephen M. White. 
Jas. D. Phelan. 

District. 

1st — J. S. Sweet. 

C. F. Foster. 
2nd — D. W. Carmichael. 

John N. Woods. 
3rd — James A. Keyes. 

Frank Freeman. 
4th — Charles Edelman. 

Curtis Hillyer. 

COLORADO 

AT LARGE. 



Jas. G. McGuire. 
M. F. Tarpey. 

District. 

5th— M. Jasper McDonald. 

J. H. Henry. 
6th— R. F. Del Valle. 

John McGonigle. 
7th — H. A. Jastro. 

Wm. McFadden. 



C. S. Thomas. 
T. J. Maloney. 



A. T. Gunnell. 
Charles Henkel. 



78 



Official Proceedings of the 



District. 

ist — John McCombe. 
W. S. Seely. 



District. 

2nd — James Doyle. 

S. R. Fitzgerald. 



CONNECTICUT. 

AT LARGE. 



Edward M. Graves. 
Jas. P. Pigott. 

District. 

ist — W. L. Hunting. 

Geo. Forster. 
2nd— Michael T. Cuff. 

Jas. J. Saunders. 



Bryan F. Mahan. 
Homer S. Cummings. 

District. 

3rd — Wm. Kennedy. 

Frederick P. Burr. 
4th — Richard C. Morris. 

Thos. L. Kelly. 



DELAWARE. 

AT LARGE. 

Levin Irving Handy. Richard R. Kenney. 

John G. Gray. Hezekiah Harrington. 

FIRST DISTRICT. 

Edward D. Hearne. George H. Draper. 



FLORIDA. 

AT LARGE. 



H. H. McCreary. 
B. H. Palmer. 

District. 

ist — B. S. Liddon. 
J. E. Wolfe. 



Boykin Wright. 
J. J. Spalding. 

District. 

1st — Geo. T. Cann. 

J. A. Brannen. 
2nd — S. S. Bennett. 

E. E. Bush. 
3rd— J. T. Hill. 

J. P. Cocke. 



Charles Wright. 
R. D. McDonald. 

District. 

2nd — J. W. Watson. 

Cromwell Gibbons. 



GEORGIA. 

AT LARGE. 



Louis Garrard. 
W. B. Burnett. 

District. 

4th — F. P. Longley. 

S. P. Gilbert 
5th — Chas. Daniel. 

E. L. Johnson. 
6th— B. T. Holder, Jr. 

F. M. Stafford. 



Democratic National ConvejnuOn. 



79 



)istrict. 




District. 


7th— W. C. Bunn. 




ioth — Louis Cohen. 


A. S. Johnson. 




H.'A. Williams. 


8th— D. W. Meadow. 




nth— J. W. Bennett. 


W. A. Broughton. 




Geo. W. Smith. 


9th — Thos. Hutcherson. 






H. W. Bell. 








IDAHO. 




AT 


LARGE. 


Wm. H. Dewey. 




Jas. W. Reid. 


W. B. McFarland. 




Edward J. Dockery 



First District. 
Chas. O. Stockslager. John G. v Brown. 

ILLINOIS. 

AT LARGE. 

Carter H. Harrison. Ben T. Cable. 

Alfred S. Trude. James R. Williams. 



District, 
ist — Thomas Gahan. 

John P. Hopkins. 
2nd — Thomas Byrne. 

Thomas Carey., 
3rd — -John J. Coughlin. 

Robert K. Sloan. 
4th — William Loeffler. 

John Powers. 
5th — Roger C. Sullivan. 

John J. Brennan. 
6th—Robert E! Burke. 

Tames J. Gray. 
7th— Fred E. Eldred. 

John A. Mahoney. 
8th — Andrew Welch. 

J. C. Donnelly. 
9th — Harry L. Fordham. 

WilHam Skeane. 



District. 

ioth— W. O'R. Bradley. 

C. B. Marshall, 
nth — Maurice T. Moloney. 

Charles M. Golden. 
1 2th — Free P. Morris. 

R. A. Rouse. 
13th— J. Whitney Hall. 

J. W. Orr. 
14th— T. N. Green. 

L. F. Meek. 
15th — Herman Moecker. 

Truman Plantz. 
1 6th — Owen P. Thompson. 

Robert B. Shirley. 
17th— J. C. McBride. 

James M. Graham. 
18th— <B. W. Henry. 

Charles H. Burton.. 



8o 



Official Proceedings of the 



District. 

19th — James K. Rardin. 

Rufus C. Harrah. 
20th — Jacob R. Creighton. 

Silas Z. Landes. 



District. 

2 1 st — J. W. Rickert. 

AY. E. Brookings. 
22nd — Reed Green. 

Charles H. Rieth. 



INDIANA. 

AT LARGE. 



James Murdoek. 
Geo. V. Menzies. 

District. 
1st — C. Halburge. 

Henry Stockfleth. 
2nd — John H. Spencer. 

W. W. Moffett. 
3rd — Jos. H. Shea. 

J. L. Bretz. 
4th— W. H. O'Brien. 

E. J. Nichlans. 
5th— Geo. M. Crane. 

Marion Bailey. 
6th— Geo. M. Ray. 

Spencer L. Stevens. 
7th— J. E. McCullough. 

D. E. Deupree. 



Sam'l E. Morss. 
Hugh Dougherty 



District. 
8th— L. G. Ellingham. 

A. M. Waltz. 
9th— M. A. Ryan. 

Cornelius Cunningham. 
10th — D. W. Simms. 

Martin T. Kruger. 
nth— F. M. Kistler. 

R. C. Houston. 
1 2th — Henry Colerick. 

W. H. Nusbaum. 
13th— M. M. Hathaway. 

B. F. Deal. 



IOWA. 

AT LARGE. 



Charles A. Walsh. 
Cato Sells. 

District. 
1st — H. L. Troop. 

Wm. F. Kiel. 
2nd — Alf. Hurst. 

J. G. Van Lent. 
3rd— J. H. Howell. 

A. M. Potter. 
4th— W. J. Reinke. 

A. J. Anders. 



John S. Murphy. 
Geo. T. Baker. 



District. 
5th— E. C. Holt. 

Thos. Emmett. 
6th— J. R. Gorrell. 

Thos. Kelly. 
7th— A. R. Dabney. 

J. S. Cunningham. 
8th— W. T. Davis. 

W. H. Dewey. 



Democratic National Convention. 



81 



District. 
9th— E. H. Bickford. 

J. M. Kelley. '.' 
ioth— Chas. Bullock. 

E. J. Murtagh. 



District. 

nth — J. M. Parsons. 
Wm. Mulvanev 



KANSAS. 

AT LARGE. 



J. G. Johnson. 
J. H. Atwood. 
David Overmeyer. 

District, 
ist— S. F. Neeley. 

W. W. Letson. 
2nd — W. H. Daniels. 

L. D. White. 
3rd — H. Parke Jones. 

Revilo Newton. 
4th— Robert H. Hazlett. 

A. J. Eastman. 



C. W. Brandenburg. 
H. W. Stewart. 
Jas. N. Fike. 

District. 
5th — J. T. Prendergast. 

N. F. Graham. 
6th — John Q. Adams. 

John Schlyer. 
7th — E. G. Finnup. 

F. L. Gordon. 



KENTUCKY. 



AT LARGE. 



C. W. Bransford. 
Louis McQuown. 

District, 
ist — R. J. Bugg. 

Felix Gratsy. 
2nd — E. R. Penningron. 

R. B. Bradley. 
3rd — Speed Guffy. 

John W. Jones. 
4th — -Charles Spalding. 

D. W. Whitman. 
5th — John W. Vreeland. 

R. Lee Suter. 
6th — R. B. Brown. 
Fred Miller. 



Joseph C. S. Blackburn. 
N. W. Utley. 

District. 
7th— T. E. Moore, Jr. 

W. P. Thome*. 
8th— Charles M. Lewis. 

Harvey Helm. 
9th — Dr. Higgins C. Smith. 

R. D. Wilson, 
ioth — Green Meeks. 

Abraham Renicic. 
IIt h— W. H. Rhorer. 
W. R. Cress. 



82 



Official Proceedings of the 



LOUISIANA. 

AT LARGE. 



S. D. McEnery. 
Murphy J. Foster. 

District. 
1st — Alex. Pujol. 

Victor Mauberet. 
2nd — E. Howard McCaleb. 

L. H. Marrero. 
3rd — Robert F. Broussard. 

W. H. Price. 



John Fitzpatrick. 
N. C. Blancbard. 

District. 
4th— J. M. Foster. 

W. F. Blackmail. 
5th— W. W. Heard. 

Jas. E. Ransdell. 
6th— M. L. Soards. 

H. L. Fuqua. 



MAINE. 

AT LARGE. 



Melvin P. Frank. 
Arthur Sewall. 

District. 
1st — James A. Strout. 

John C. Scates. 
2nd — John Scott. 

L. M. Staples. 



Frederick W. Plaisted. 
David T. Sanders. 



District. 
3rd — Samuel W. Gould. 

Otis Littlefield. 
4th — Peter Charles Keegan. 

G. Gilmore Weld. 



MARYLAND. 

AT LARGE. 

Gov. John W. Smith. Louis Victor Baughman. 

Murray Van diver. Joshua W. Miles. 



District. 
1st— W. J. Staton. 

J. Benj. Brown. 
2nd — Charles E. Fendall. 

Benj. F. Crouse. 
3rd — Edward J. Chaisty. 

Harry Roundtree. 



District. 
4th— N. Leo Knott. 

Martin Lehmayer 
5th— J. Frank Smith. 

Joseph S. Wilson 
6th — Blair Lee. 

John Keating. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

AT LARGE. 

Geo. Fred Williams. William S. McNary. 

Chris. T. Callahan. A. C. Drinkwater. 



Democratic National Convention. 



83 



District. 
1st— Thos. J. Dillon. 

Nicholas J. Lawler. 
2nd — John H. Clune. 

Benj. E. Cook, Jr. 
3rd — James H. MeUen. 

John O'Gara. 
4th — Charles D. Lewis. 

Dr. H. H. Lyons. 
5th — James F. Owens. 

James E. Donoghue. 
6th — John J. Flaherty. 

Jas. F. Dean. 
7th — Stephen M. Walsh. 

John J. Hogan. 



District. 
8th— M. M. CunnirL 

Frederick K. Gifrord. 
9th — Thos. F. Keenan. 

J. J. McNamara. 
10th — Chas. I. Quirk. 

Frederick S. Gore, 
nth — John H. Lee. 

Wm. H. Baker. 
1 2th — John M. Hayes. 

Edward Gilmore. 
13th — Jas. E. Sullivan. 

Charles C. Paine. 



MICHIGAN. 

AT LARGE. 



Daniel J. Campau. 
Thomas E. Barkworth. 

District. 
1 st — Chas. W. Casgrain. 

Geo. F. Monaghan. 
2nd— Walter C. Mack. 

August J. Weir. 
3rd — William G. Howard. 

Robert J. Frost. 
4th — Thomas J. Cavanagh. 

Charles H. Kimmerlee. 
5th — George R. Perry. 

Adolphus A. Ellis. 
6th — Mark W. Stevens. 

Quincy A. Smith. 



Wellington Rl Burt. 
Rush Culver. 

District. 
7th— Justin R. Whiting. 

Arthur M. Clark. 
8th— John T. Winship. 

Henry J. Patterson. 
9th — Daniel W. Goodenough. 

Wm. McLaughlin. 
10th — John C. Weadock. 
James F. Moloney. 
nth — Chas. M. Brown. 

Hiram B. Hudson. 
1 2th — Arthur A. Juttner. 
Wm. P. Preston. 



MINNESOTA. 

AT LARGE. 



T. D. O'Brien. 
L. A. Rosing. 



P. B. Winston. 
C. O. Baldwin. 



8 4 



Official Proceedings of the 



District, 
ist — C. T. Buck. 

Wm. Gausewitz. 
2nd — H. Himmelmari. 

S. B. Nelson. 
3rd— R. T. Daly. 

F. L. Glotzbach. 
4th — Humphrey Barton. 

J. J. Kilty. . 



District. 
5th — W. H. Donahue. 

Julius J. Heinrich. 
6th— J. D. Sullivan. 

L. M. Davis. 
7th — John R. McKinnon. 

W. P. Bailev. 



MISSISSIPPI. 

AT LARGE. 



H. D. Money. 
A. H. Longino. 

District, 
ist— J. T. Senter. 

D. W. Houston. 
2nd — H. E. Blakeslee. 

V. P. Still. 
3rd — A. F. Gardner. 

J. H. Wynn. 
4th — T. C. Kimbrough. 

James Somerville. 



W. D. Cameron. 
R. H. Henry. 

District. 
5th— W. P. Tackett. 

A. J. Russell. 
6th — E. J. Bowers. 

J. H. Jones. 
7th — O. H. Bowen. 

A. P. Hill. 



MISSOURI. 

AT LARGE. 



Wm. J. Stone. 
L. V. Stephens. 

District, 
ist — John A. Knott. 

John H. Carroll. 
2nd — Robert Haley. 

Waddy Leeper. 
3rd — Dr. Steckman. 

Charles Risley. 
4th — W. H. Robinson. 

L. D. Ramsay. 
5th— T. T. Crittenden, Jr. 

S. N. Wilson. 



W. H. Phelps. 

D. A. Ball. 

District. 
6th— Wm. Shelton. 

Dr. Watrous. 
7th— Dr. D. C. Gove. 

T. J. Delaney. 
8th— W. D. Thomas. 

E. M. Carter. 
9th — James Buckner. 

G. D. Briggs. 
10th — A. C. Steuver. 
Phil Sebastian. 



Democratic National Convention. 



85 



District. 

nth— S. J. Burke. ' 

J. P. Sweeney. 
12th— W. H. Swift. 

Ed. Butler. 
13th — John E. Organ. 
■ W. R. Edgar. 



District. 

14th — -Thos. Connelly. 

B. T. Morris. 
15th— L. L. Scott. 

W. T. Wood. 



MONTANA. 

AT LARGE. 

W. A. Clark. R. Fitzgerald. 

S. T. Hauser. J. M. Holt. 

FIRST DISTRICT. 

Frank Higgins. H. L. Frank. 



NEBRASKA. 

AT LARGE. 



A. S. Tibbetts. 
R. L. Metcalfe. 

District. 
1st — C. E. Cotton. 

J. H. Miles. 
2nd — J. A. Creighton. 

L. J. Piatti. 
3rd— P. H. Kohl. 

Jonas Welch. 



W. H. Thompson. 
W. D. Oldham. 

District. 
4th— W. H. Taylor. 

Harry Metzger. 
5th— G. W. Tibbetts. 

Patrick Walsh. 
6th — M. C. Harrington. 

T. F. Mahoney. 



NEVADA. 

AT LARGE. 

Francis G. Newlands. Reinhold Sadler. 

Clayton Belknap. John H. Dennis. 

FIRST DISTRICT. 

P. C. Weber. C. H. Mack. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

AT LARGE. 

True L. Norris. Sam'l B. Page. 

Henrv O. Kent. Jeremiah J. Doyle. 



86 



Official Proceedings of the 



District, 
ist — John B. Nash. 
John F. Dowd. 



District. 
2nd — Wm. J. Ahern. 
John B. Jameson. 



NEW JERSEY. 

AT LARGE. 



Robert Davis. 
Johnston Cornish. 

District. 
1st — Geo. Pfeiffer, Jr. 

Samuel Iredell. 
2nd — Henry Postal. 

Wm. H. Harrison. 
3rd — David S. Crater. 

Dr. S. O. B. Taylor. 
4th — Howard Lake. 

Joshua Salmon. 



Thos. M. Ferrel'. 
Jas. E. Martine. 

District. 
5th — Wm. B. Gourley. 

Addison Ely. 
6th — Edward P. Meaney. 

Frank M. McDermitt. 
7th— Wm. D. Daly. 

Edward Hoos. 
8th — Jas. J. Manning. 

Michael J. Doyle. 



NEW YORK. 

AT LARGE. 

David B. Hill. 
Edward Murphy, Jr. 



Richard Croker. 
Augustus Van Wycfc 



District, 
ist — Perry Belmont. 

John P. Madden. 
2nd — John J. Fitzgerald. 

Henry F. Hagerty. 
3rd — John L. Shea. 

James Moffett. 
4th — Frank B. Creamer. 

John McCarty. 
5th — Frank E. Wilson. 

James D. Bell. 
6th— Patrick H. McCarren. 

William J. Lynch. 
7th — Asa Bird Gardiner. 

Isaac Fromme. 
8th— Bernard F. Martin. 

John Cavagnaro. 



District. 
9th — Geo. M. Van Hoesen. 

Patrick Divver. 
10th — John W. Keller. 

Lewis Nixon, 
nth — William Sulzer. 

Timothy D. Sullivan. 
1 2th — Thomas F. Grady. 

Geo. B. McClellan. 
13th— O. H. P. Belmont. 

Thos. C. O'Sullivan. 
14th — John Whalen. 

Samuel Untermeyer. 
15th — John F. Carroll. 

William F. Grell. 
1 6th — August Moebus. 

John M. Digney. 



Democratic National Convention. 



87 



District. 

17th — M. N. Kane. 

Frank Comiskey. 
1 8th — James W. Hinkley. 

Jacob Rice. 
19th — Francis J. Malloy. 

James Purcell. 
20th— P. E. McCabe. 

Mark Conn. 

-Dewitt C. Dow. 

Gardner Smith. 

-John Hannon. 

Sidney R. Phelps. 

•Chas. A. Burke. 

Jeremiah T. Finch. 
24th — Frederick C. Schraub. 

Charles N. Bulger. 
25th— John D. McMahon. 

Clinton Beckwith. 



21st- 



22nd- 



23rd- 



District. 

26th— Elliott Danforth. 

John L. Taylor. 
27th — James K. McGuire. 

John Dunfee. 
28th— Michael P. Conway. 

Rice McCauley. 
29th — C. F. Kingsley. 

Clif. H. Swartout. 
30th — James J. Mahoney. 

Frank H. Wilson. 
31st — James M. Nolan. 

John D. Lynn. 
32nd — Conrad Diehl. 

C. H. W. Ami. 
33rd — Norman E. Mack. 

Frank L. Bapst. 
34th — Frank H. Mott. 

Ward Wads worth. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 



Edward J. Hale. 

Julian S. Carr. 
District. 
1st — James Parker. 

F. G. James. 
2nd — R. H. Speight. 

L. Harvey. 
3rd — E. M. Greene. 

C. C. Lyon. 
4th — Josephus Daniels. 

T. M. Arrington. 
5th — A. W. Graham. 



AT LARGE. 

Walter E. Moore, 

Thomas A. Jones. 
District. 
6th— W. C. Dowd. 

J. A. Brown. 
7th— J. R. Blair. 

A. D. Watts. 
8th— A. C. Avery. 

G. W. Flower. 
9th— R. P. Walker. 

S. Gallert. 



S. M. Gattis. 

NORTH DAKOTA. 

AT LARGE. 

M. A. Hildreth. Thos. Regan. 

Hugh McDonald. T. W. Conyers. 



88 



Official Proceedings of the 



FIRST DISTRICT. 

G. W. Freerks. H. D. Allert. 

OHIO. 

AT LARGE. 

Jas. Kilbourne. A. W. Patrick. 

H. L. Chapman. W. S. Thomas. 



District, 
ist — L. G. Bernard. 

Chas. W. Baker. 
2nd — John G. Roth. 

Henry Retter. 
3rd — Jos. H. Dowling. 

Chas. F. Brooke, Jr. 
4th — Jacob C. Ridenour. 

J. D. Johnson. 
5th — D. D. Donavan. 

J. D. Watterson. 
6th — John Wood. 

H. L. Nichols. 
7th— W. R. Burnett. 

A. R. Bolin. 
8th— W. W. Durbin. 

D. W. Henderson. 
9th — Negley D. Cochran. 

Levi Wooster. 
10th — C. C. Glidden. 

M. E. Merriman. 
nth — Wm. E. Finck, Jr. 

C. E. Peoples. 



District. 

I2tb— - John-C. L.'Pugh. 

M. A. Daugherty. 
13th— J. W. Moore. 

L. H. Battlefield. 
14th — Frank O. Levering. 

Edwin Mansfield. 
15th— J. W. Bigley. 

R. W. Scott. 
1 6th— John L. Beatty. 

Louis HoefBer. 
17th — Waldo Taylor. 

E. B. Eshleman. 
1 8th— Chas. C. Weybrecht. 

A. W. Taylor. 
19th — David L. Rockwell, Jr. 

E. L. King. 
20th— E. W. Bond. 

L. H. Cook. 
21st — Tom L. Johnson. 

Harry W. Wilson. 



J. H. Raley. 
J. O. Booth. 

District, 
ist — John Welsh. 
R. M. Veatch. 



OREGON. 

AT LARGE. 



M. A. Miller. 
A. S. Bennett. 

District. 
2nd — Charles Nickell. 
N. A. Peerv. 



Democratic National Convention. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 



AT L 

J. M. Guffey. 
Rufus K. Polk. 
James Kerr. 
John B. Keenan. 
District, 
ist — John J. Gibbons. 
Patrick Donohue. 
2nd — James F. McNichol. 

John Brashing. 
3rd — Thomas J. Ryan. 

Morris Tueter. 
4th— P. J. McManus. 
James Gillespie. 
5th — Chas. P. Donnelly. 

Edward F. Ternan. 
6th — William S. Hastings. 

John J. Buckley. 
7th — Henry I. Fox. 

Charles S. Vandergrift. 
8th — Howard Muchler. 

J. D. Serfass. 
9th — J. N. Ermentrout. 

H. D. Green. 
10th — H. C. Young. 
Jacob Pontz. 
nth— E. J. Lynott. 

M. J. Cadden. 
1 2th — Geo. Stigmyer. 

C. F. Bohon. 
13th— W. F. Shepherd. 

Daniel F. Guinan. 
14th — Win. S. Thomas. 
H. G. Walter. 

RHODE 

AT L 

George W. Green. 
John W. Davis. 



AJRGE. 

Robert E. Pattison. 

Charles J. Reilly. 

Wm. H. Sowden. 

John M. Garman. 
District. 
15th— D. C. DeWitt. 



1 6th— Walter E. Ritter. 

J. R. Collins. 
17th — Peter A. Mahan. 

John G. McHenry. 
i8th : — T. Z. Minnehart. 

H. E. Spiker. 
19th — Lemon Love. 

Albert J. Brady. 
20th — Augustus V. Dively. 

A. F. John. 
2 1 st — James K. Clark. 

IVf. E. Brown. 
22nd — W. J. Brennan. 

J. A. Clarke. 
23rd — Geo. A. Koehler. 

W. E. Johnson. 
24th — Frank P. lams. 

John C. Kane. 
25th— W. G. Barker. 

W. H. Partington. 
26th — Frank D. Schultz. 

James H. Caldwell. 
27th— T. N. Barnsdall. 

Wm. J. Breene. 
28th — Jackson L. Spangler. 

John F. Brown. 
ISLAND. 

ARGE. 

John J. Fitzgerald. 
Dennis J. McCarthy. 



9o 



Official Proceedings of the 



District. 
1st — Patrick H. Quinn. 
Patrick J. Boyle. 



District. 
2nd — John E. Conley. 



Wm. R. Congdon. 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 

AT LARGE. 

B. R. Tillman. Wilie Jones. 

M. B. McSweeney. A. C. Latimer. 



District. 
ist— W. B. Wilson. 

Thos. Talbird. 
2nd — J. H. Tillman. 

C. W. Garris. 
3rd— I. H. McCalla. 

W. J. Stribling 



District. 
4th— J. A. Mooney. 

J. C. Evans. 
5th— T. Y. Williams. 

J. C. Wilborn. 
6th— D. H. Traxler. 

W. B. Gruber. 



SOUTH DAKOTA. 

AT LARGE. 

G. W. Mathews. S. A. Kennon. 

Stephen Donohoe. T. W. Taubman. 



District, 
ist — T. W. Childs. 
J. J. Conway. 



District. 
2nd — Charles Eastman. 
John R. Wilson. 



TENNESSEE. 

AT LARGE. 



Albert T. McNeal. 
Jas. D. Richardson. 

District, 
ist — W. A. Owens. 

A. C. Keebler. 
2nd— G. F. Milton. 

J. W. Culton. 
3rd— W. W. Wallace. 

P. H. Walker. 
4th — L. A. Ligon. 

M. B. Capps. 
5th — Geo. H. Newman. 

Charles G. Parker. 



John A. Moon. 
Charles T. Cates, Jr. 

District. 
6th — R. R. Carmack. 

B. R. Thomas. 
7th— S. E. Hunt. 

John M. Gault. 
8th— W. A. Carter. 

J. M. Taylor. 
9th— John E. Wells. 

R. E. Maiden. 
10th— L. Hill. 

Embry M. Holmes. 



Democratic National Convention. 



9i 



TEXAS. 

AT LARGE. 



Tom Ball. 
James Swayne. 

District. 
1st— H. B. Rice. 

Fred B. Johnson. 
2nd — Lee Blanchette. 

C. C. Wiggins. 
3rd — John M. Duncan. 

R. G. Andrews. 
4th — S. H. Smelser. 

J. H. Densmore. 
5th— I. M. Standifer. 

\V, S. Jamison. 
6th— W. E. Spell. 

Ed Gray. 
7th — Geo. Tabor. 

Sam R. Scott. 



Joseph L. Rawlins. 
*R. C. Chambers. 



Winburne Pierce. 
E. D. Perkins. 

District. 
8th — H. C. Shropshire. 

Wm. Capps. 
9th — Ed P. Curry. 

Jno. W. Hornsby. 
10th— W. L. Moody, Sr. 

Jno. M. Moore, 
nth — A. B. Davidson. 

John N. Garner. 
1 2th — John Sehorn. 

John M. Goggin. 
13th— O. T. Maxwell. 

J. A. Fires. 



UTAH. 

AT LARGE. 



*A. H. Tarbet. 
A. J. Weber. 



FIRST DISTRICT. 

Geo. W. Thatcher. William F. Knox. 



VERMONT. 

AT LARGE. 



Thos. W. Moloney. 
Felix W. McGettrick. 

District. 
1st — O. C. Sawyer. 
A. B. Perry. 



Rollin S. Childs. 
George Atkins. 

District. 
2nd — John W. McGeary. 
Richard Houghton. 



^Represented by Mrs. Elizabeth M. Cohen. 
*Represented by A. G. Horn. 



9 2 



Official Proceedings of the 



VIRGINIA. 

AT LARGE. 



John W. Daniel. 
Thos. S. Martin. 

District, 
ist — R. L. Ailsworth. 

Walter Crabb. 
2nd— W. W. Sale. 

E. E. Montague. 
3rd — C. Maning, Jr. 

H. G. Buchanan. 
4th— J. F. West. 

J. M. Crute. 
5th — Pannill Rucker. 

R. F. Tompkins. 



J. Hoge Tyler. 
Wm. A. Jones. 

District. 
6th — R. H. Logan. 

Sidney Sheltman. 
7th— P. H. O'Bannan. 

M. M. Johnson. 
8th— R. N. Flarper. 

Chas. M. White. 
9th — B. F. Buchanan. 

J. H. McGavock. 
10th — Bland Massie. 

Benj. Haden. 



WASHINGTON. 

AT LARGE. 



W. H. Dunphy. 
O. G. Ellis. 

District, 
ist — Jessie M. Jamieson. 
Thos. Malony. 



D. D. Fagan. 
J. W. Godwin. 

District. 
2nd— J. D. Medill. 
W. A. Mosier. 



WEST VIRGINIA. 

AT LARGE. 

J. V. Blair. J. W. St. Clair. 

T. E. Davis. C. W. Campbell. 



District. 
ist — John A. Howard. 

G. B. West. 
2nd— S. W. Walker. 

S. V. Woods. 



District. 
3rd — J. D. Alderson. 

J. E. Chilton. 
4th — J. G. McCluer. 

H. E. Spilman. 



WISCONSIN. 

AT LARGE. 



David S. Rose. 
Geo. B. McHilton. 



D. L. Plumer. 
Louis G. Bomrich. 



Democratic Xational Convention. 



93 



District, 
ist — Gilbert T. Hodges. 

R. E. Richardson. 
2nd — J. E. Malone. 

Job Mills. 
3rd — J. Montgomery Smith. 

C. F. White. 
4th — Frank Falk. 

Clinton Burnham. 
5th— T. E. Ryan. 

Chas. Weise. 



District. 
6th — F. B. Hoskins. 

Wrri. F. Nash. 
7th — Wm. H. Frawley. 

R. B. McCoy. 
8th— J. M. Baer. 

W. W. Crane. 
9th — John Noonan. 

Julius Thielman. 
10th — Wm. H. Stafford. 

G. C. Cooper. 



WYOMING. 

AT LARGE. 

Horace C. Alger. Richard Keenan. 

William Hinton. Walter Larsh. 

FIRST DISTRICT. 

Charles Blydenberg. A. E. Miller. 



ALASKA. 

AT LARGE. 



Louis L. Williams. 
Wm. M. Hale. 
Charles D. Rogers. 



ARIZONA. 

AT LARGE. 



T. G. Norris. 
J. M. Murphy. 
Geo. A. Olnev 



R. W. Jennings. 
E. O. Sylvester. 
R. D. Crittenden. 



Dr. H. A. Hughes. 
B. C. Packard. 
W. C. P. Hunt. 



♦OKLAHOMA. 

AT LARGE. 

J. H. Crider. ■ D. W. Peery. 

J. K. Little. J. W. Wisby. 

W. M. Newell.^ W. S. Whittinghill. 

OKLAHOMA. 

AT LARGE. 

A. M. Mackev. H. F. Emerson. 



94 Official Proceedings. 

T. L. Hill. J. S. Burnes. 

J. C. Scruggs. D. H. Patton. 

*INDIAN TERRITORY. 

AT LARGE. 

Preston S. Davis. Yancy Lewis. 

C. H. Tully. George Barefoot. 

D. W. Talbot. A. J. Milburn. 

INDIAN TERRITORY. 

AT LARGE. 

Wm. T. Hutchings. J. B. Thompson. 

J. F. Sharp. Davis Hill. 

Geo. A. Mansfield. Edward Lee. 

NEW MEXICO. 

AT LARGE. 

E. C. DeBaca'. F. J. Davidson. 

Chas. F. Easley. Macario Gallegos. 

O. N. Marron. H. M. Dougherty. 

^DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

AT LARGE. 

James L. Norris. Wm. F. Hart. 

John A. Clarke. . Wm. T. Whalen. 

J. Fred Kelley. Wm. J. Donovan. 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

AT LARGE. 

Wm. Holmead. J. Frank O'Meara.' 

Charles W. Slater. Robert E. Mattingly. 

Cotter T. Bride. Edward A. Newman. 
HAWAII. 

AT LARGE. 

David Kawananakoa, John D. Holt. 

John H. Wise. Charles L. Wildor. 

W. H. Cornwell. W. S. Withers. 

*Contesting delegations. Both delegations admitted with 
half a vote each. 



SECOND DAY. 



MORNING SESSION. 



Kansas City, July 5, 1900. 

The Convention was called to order at 1 1 103 A. M. by 
Chairman James D. Richardson, who said : 

"The Convention will be opened with prayer by Bishop 
Glennon, of Kansas City. The delegates will please rise." 

PRAYER. 

Our Father, who art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name; 
Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as it is in 
Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our 
trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead 
us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen. Oh, 
almighty and eternal God, our Creator and our Father, we 
invoke Thy guidance and protection for this assembly, that in 
all they do they may be actuated only by love of Thee and 
benefit of humanity. 

Thou art the all just being. Grant that our deliberations 
may be marked by justice and equity, and that while we safe- 
guard and defend our rights we may cautiously abstain from 
violating the rights of others. Thou art the father of the poor 
and the oppressed. We are Thy children and the poor must 
find in us friends of the oppressed wherever they be. Thou 
art the ruler of nations. Grant us strength to govern and hu- 
mility to serve Thee that neither for season nor decadence may 
mark or mar our destiny. Grant us unity, stability and per- 



g6 Official Proceedings of the 

petuity in defending the principles of truth for the sake of 
Christ our Lord. All of which we ask in the name of the 
Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. 

The Chair : I desire to say to our friends in the galleries 
that they are here as the guests of this Convention. They 
should assist us and should assist the delegates in preserving 
order, to the end that business may be properly conducted and 
understood. The Chair now appeals to the delegates them- 
selves to assist in preserving order on the floor. He also ap- 
peals to our friends in the galleries, who are our guests, to 
assist in preserving order. If each person will simply be quiet 
himself or herself we will have perfect order in the hall. The 
Sergeant-at-Arms will make a statement to the Convention. 

Sergeant-at-Arms : Gentlemen, Delegates of the Conven- 
tion : I have learned that a number of delegates have brought 
into their chairs their wives and lady friends. Now, it is the 
desire of the Sergeant-at-Arms to have those ladies taken out 
of their chairs, in order that the delegates who are here for 
the purpose of discharging the important duties for which they 
were sent here shall not be crowded out of their seats. 

I also learn that the alternates have taken some of their 
ladies into their chairs and have also taken some of the chairs 
of the delegates. If the delegates will point out those who are 
so encroaching upon their rights the Sergeant-at-Arms will 
have them removed, even if they have to be put out of the hall 
with a guardian of police. 

The Chair: The Chair desires to say to the Convention 
that the Committee on Platform is not ready to report, but the 
Chair is informed that Ex-Governor Hogg, of Texas, is in the 
Convention, and a motion has been made that he be requested 
to address us. 

The motion was put and unanimously adopted. 

The Chair : Gentlemen of the Convention, I desire to 
present to you Ex-Governor J. S. Hogg, of the State of Texas, 
who will now address you. 

Ex-Governor Hogg spoke as follows : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I beg to thank you for the 
compliment you have paid me. but I feel now disinclined to 







Democratic National Convention. 97 

make a speech at all. I am waiting, waiting with the Demo- 
crats of this Convention/ for the report of the Committee on 
Platform and Resolutions. I want to see that document and 
to know whether the Democrats of this government are ready 
to fluke or fight. In common with you I want to know if we 
are to become a party of dodgers or a party of freemen, strik- 
ing for liberty and the success of our cause. I desire to know 
if we are to dodge the issues of 1896 and trail after the Re- 
publicans ; or, are we to meet all issues and go into the contest 
for victory in the interests of the masses of this country ? Are 
we to be independent freemen or the truculent peons of the 
British government? I, for one, long for the time when 
Americans can be Americans without going abroad for polit- 
ical inspirations or for tutelage in their political affairs ! It 
has been over ico years since we became emancipated from 
England. It has been but a few years since we began to walk 
back under the yoke of England ; and I want to see this Conven- 
tion stand up for the liberty of Americans against English 
domination everywhere. We must not have entanglements 
with England or any other nation. We should avoid difficulties 
with all people. We prefer peace, but will exercise the right 
to attend undisturbed to our own affairs upon this Ameri- 
can continent, and if our Committee on Platform and Resolu- 
tions come in here to evade a single issue that we presented in 
1896, I ask you to vote it down. Let the Democracy remain a 
party of principle instead of turning to one of makeshifts. Let 
us go to defeat, if defeat, at all, upon principle, rather than 
to victory upon a subterfuge at the sacrifice of principle ! The 
platform should repeat, not reaffirm, the leading pledges of the 
Chicago platform. Let the new issues be met by other planks 
suitable in material that cannot be misunderstood. If the 
Democrats of this country are presented with a platform of 
principle such as we had in 1896, changed only to suit the con- 
ditions of today, we will march to victory under the gallant, 
matchless Bryan next November. 

The platform should reaffirm the old principles of Democ- 
racy, that grow new day by day and get stronger as the ages 
roll, by declaring for the freedom of speech, for the freedom of 
the press, for the freedom of conscience, for the preservation 



98 Official Proceedings of the 

of personal rights, for the equality of all citizens before the 
law, and for the support and maintenance of the constitutional 
guarantees throughout. Then give us a specific declaration for 
the unlimited free coinage of silver and gold at the old-estab- 
lished and honest ratio of 16 to 1, to the end that the people of 
the South and the West, as well as those of the North and 
East, shall have a fully supply of metal money to meet their 
growing demands. We want a declaration in that platform 
that unequivocally calls for a graduated income tax, so that 
all shall help to carry the burdens of government. Denounce 
in unmeasured terms the recent outrage of an English gold 
standard fixed upon free America by Republican jugglery! 
We want a specific declaration, not alone against combinations 
and conspiracies against trade, but against trusts in all their 
nefarious forms. Declare against the importation of foreign 
labor to compete with American free labor ! Reiterate the 
declaration for a tariff for revenue only, limited to the neces- 
sities of a government economically and honestly administered. 
Make the pledge that Cuba shall be free as promised, and that 
the Philippine Islands shall stand upon an equality with Cuba, 
so far as America is concerned, and that the Constitution shall 
follow the flag over in Porto Rico. The acquisition of terri- 
tory upon the Eastern hemisphere by conquest or by any other 
method on the part of the United States government is a 
menace to American tranquility and independence and should 
be denounced. We are ashamed of Uncle Sam when he goes 
across the waters to join John Bull, the German Emperor and 
the Czar of Russia to despoil and divide old China in the pur- 
suit of plunder. In thunder tones let our party declare against 
imperialism in every form. The modern government by in- 
junction, which is being fastened upon us by the Federal 
Courts, is a violent attack upon the Bill of Rights and should 
be unequivocally, unceasingly condemned. 

Then finally, we want another declaration, that should be 
emblazoned in letters of silver and gold, and forever embedded' 
in the hearts of the American people, to the effect that the flag 
of our government, the stars and stripes that float over the 
liberties of our people everywhere, shall never be desecrated 
in any form ! 



Democratic National Convention. 99 

Turning back, my friends, to the Republican party, I wish 
to say that it is only a makeshift, and is a commercial party 
instead of a party of principle. Read their platform of 1892, 
the one of 1896, and their trust platform of 1900 adopted at 
Philadelphia, and you will not find a single avowal in behalf 
of the principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence. 
They have veered from a party of principle to a party of pelf, 
to a party of plunder, to a party against the Declaration 
of Independence, to a party that holds in contempt the consti- 
tution of our government. If you will look over their plat- 
forms you will never see a declaration of principle in them. 
They congratulate the country upon the amount of money 
they expect to get; they congratulate the country upon the 
extension of the commerce ; they congratulate the country upon 
the effect of a high protective tariff ; and now they are plan- 
ning to congratulate the country upon the result of high taxes 
and scarce money. 

Read the Democratic platforms. They begin with a re- 
iteration of the principles of liberty, of justice, and of human 
rights ! The Republican party, confessedly without principle, 
keep the school boys and the school girls in darkness as to their 
professed tenets and they will soon forget what the principles 
of our government are and conclude that it is a government ex- 
clusively for greed and commerce. 

The Republicans- have started off to imitate England and to 
fix upon us an English policy. In 1896 they declared that 
they did not think America could sustain bimetallism alone, 
and by inuendo suggested that they would be in favor of silver 
and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1. While they did not specially 
name that, they insinuated and made the Americans believe 
they were in favor of bimetallism by foreign consent at that 
ratio. They intimated that if they could get foreign consent 
they would support the two metals. After deceiving the peo- 
ple by their subterfuge, they come now and congratulate the 
country that they fooled them and forever fixed upon them 
the gold standard. By the platform of 1896, they declared 
that the United States should own, control and maintain the 
Nicaraguan Canal. Defiantly of this declaration, the Presi- 
dent and his Secretary of State again yielded to England, and 



ioo Official Proceedings of the 

revived an obsolete treaty, and undertook to place that canal 
under English domination. Now their last platform declares 
that our government should construct, own, operate and pro- 
tect the canal. That is done in the face of this embryonic treaty 
which guarantees to England that we will not interfere with it 
more than to build it. For these and other reasons I. say that 
it is a party of makeshifts, a party of false promises, a party 
of cowardice, a party that will lead these people to hell unless 
they are checked. 

I beg your pardon for talking to you this long, but when 
there appears before me an octopus that stands out with these 
broken promises and the pledge that it is against "conspiracies 
against trade," I know this same octopus that has fooled us be- 
fore will, if successful, come out in a platform in the next cam- 
paign congratulating the country that America is now under 
the domination of trusts, and it is proud of it. They will point 
to the work of the trusts as evidence of the prosperity of the 
people. They now speak of "conspiracies against trade" with- 
out denouncing trusts. They have done that to deceive the 
people so as to get in one more time. "Conspiracies against 
trade" is the language they use. We want to denounce 
"Trusts" in all their nefarious forms. Conspiracies against 
trade ! It takes more than one party to constitute a conspiracy. 
It takes but one party necessarily to become a trust, because a 
trust, single or double, is a monopoly of trade, fastened upon 
us by the government acquiescence, government consent or 
government patronage. If we will incorporate in our platform 
suitable principles, as we did in 1896, without reaffirming or 
distinguishing between one plank and another, and go to the 
American people on the issues, we will in the year 1900 repeat 
the victory of 1800 by electing the second Jefferson to the 
Presidency of the United States. 

The Chair: The State of Missouri seems to be the only 
State in the American Union large enough to contain two cities 
each of which is competent and able to entertain a National 
Democratic Convention. I take pleasure, therefore, now in 
presenting to you Missouri's favorite son this year, Hon. A. M_ 
Dockery. 



Democratic National Convention. ioi 

Mr. Dockery said : 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Fellow Citizens : I congratu- 
late the representatives of the unconquerable Democracy of 
the United States that you have assembled in this , Democratic 
Gibraltar to reaffirm the principles of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and to nominate that glorious son of Nebraska to 
lead us to victory in the coming contest. A little more than 
124 years ago Jefferson wrote that great, immortal declaration 
that governments derive their just powers from the consent of 
the governed. At the time there was not a government in the 
world which believed or practiced that doctrine. For more 
than a century, by the light of the example of this young Re- 
public, that doctrine has grown, until today every government 
in Europe except Russia has a written constitution. That 
growth is due not to the power of our standing armies, not to 
the strength of our great navies, but to the example of liberty 
set by this young Republic. It remains to be seen whether 
this Republic, after more than 100 years of triumph, political 
and commercial, is to abandon the doctrine, and it is proper, 
therefore, that the Democracy should meet in a State which 
was given to the Union by the statesmanship of Thomas Jef- 
ferson, under a legitimate policy of expansion. It is proper 
that you should meet here to reaffirm that glorious doctrine 
and declare anew the doctrine. I do not know, gentlemen, 
what will be in that platform. It is not for me to say. But I 
know, voicing as I believe the convictions of the unconquer- 
able Democracy of this State, which has never yet moved ex- 
cept with the tread of victory, I know that we are opposed 
to a gold standard, because it doubles our debt and multiplies 
the wealth of those already rich. I know that now, as here- 
tofore, we are opposed to a high tariff, because it is the mother 
of our trusts. I know that we are opposed to a high protect- 
ive tariff, because it cuts off our trade with the world. I 
know that we are opposed to a high tariff, because it is driv- 
ing the flag of our country from the high seas, and has made 
England the master and the mistress of the commerce of the 
earth. 

I know that it has driven the starry banner of our coun- 
try from the highways of ocean commerce until today the 



102 Official Proceedings of the 

Union Jack of England, under the policy of Mark Hanna and 
the Republican party, floats over ninety per cent of our com- 
merce. I know that under a Democratic administration, with 
Bryan as President, the flag will be again restored to the high- 
ways of ocean commerce. It will be a familiar sight in all the 
seaport marts of the world, and will whip England in the con- 
test for commercial supremacy. I know that the Democracy of 
Missouri is opposed to any entangling alliance with England, 
because, while desiring to maintain friendly relations with that 
great English-speaking people, we recognize that the contest 
of the immediate future is to be, under Democratic policies at 
least, not a contest of arms, but a contest for commercial ex- 
pansion that will bring prosperity to the farms, the mines, 
the manufactories and the labor of the United States. 

In that contest England will be our great competitor. I 
know also, my fellow Democrats, that the Democracy of this 
country and of Missouri especially, is opposed to the policy 
of the Republican party, has an undisguised, poorly concealed, 
at least, sympathy for England in her contest against the dying 
South African Republics. 

If it is right, my fellow citizens, that they should fail, more 
than a hundred years ago, when we were standing against 
King George in his claim to tax us without representation, then 
it is right to denounce the Republican party for the passage of 
the Porto Rican tariff bill by the last Congress. Our fore- 
fathers tossed the tea over the side of the ship into Boston 
harbor more than a hundred years ago, because of this prin- 
ciple of taxation without representation, and I think, my fellow 
citizens, that the Democratic party of this country will toss 
something else into the Gulf of Mexico at the next election, 
and that we will drive British sympathizers from power in 
Washington. In this contest, my fellow citizens, let us stand 
together. I never saw the time, speaking for myself, when 
the Democratic party had too many voters. It is always like 
an omnibus, it has room for one more. 

Therefore, my fellow citizens, let the watchword be har- 
mony along the line of great fundamental principles. Let 
every man who claims the proud title of Democrat get on the 
platform, whatever it may be, and help to carry it. 



Democratic National Convention. 103 

We have a great fight ahead of us, and we must be united in 
our efforts for victory. The great fight ahead of us is to estab- 
lish the great policies which this country requires for freedom 
and justice. Now, for myself, I believe in an American finan- 
cial policy without waiting for the consent of Mark Hanna, 
or the Republican party, or anybody • else. I believe in an 
American policy which will dig the Nicaragua Canal by the 
government of the United States, control it by the government 
of the United States, fortify it by the power of the government 
of the United States. Therefore, I am opposed to the Nicaragua 
Canal Bill passed by the Republican party in the last House, be- 
cause it divides the responsibility with the Republican party 
— with England, I should have said ; they are synonymous 
terms, and there is not much difference after all. 

Why, my fellow citizens, and especially you from the South, 
let me say to you this, that I believe one of the great means to 
bring prosperity to the people, and especially the South half 
of this Republic, is to shorten the line of ocean transportation 
to the Orient, because in the East, almost within gunshot of 
w r here Dewey won his glorious victory on the 1st of May, 
1898, live-one-third of the human race. Now, that market we 
can get under the policy of the Democratic party as adminis- 
tered by William J. Bryan. Therefore, I want to dig that 
canal. Then I want to drive this spirit of imperialism from 
power at Washington.' I stand with the great body of our 
foreign-born citizens opposed to a large standing army. It 
means imperialism ; it means a colonial policy. Then we have 
got to antagonize the Republican party on this question of 
trusts, because they are driving the great body of our people 
out of business. Trusts are monopolizing trade, so that the 
issues are great. Now what we want to do, let me say in con- 
clusion, is to adopt that platform, as I understand it to be at 
this time. Let us dwell together in unity, after we have adopted 
it. Let New York stand by the side of Missouri and Colorado 
by the side of Nebraska; and let all the people who are opposed 
to Hannaism and to McKinleyism go to the polls in solid 
phalanx on the 6th of November; and if we do, on the 4th of 
March next we will celebrate the centennial of Jefferson's in- 



104 Official Proceedings of the 

auguration by inaugurating William Jennings Bryan to the 
Presidency. 

The Chair : Gentlemen of the Convention : There have 
been requests sent to the stand that a distinguished Democrat, 
who has just been successful in the race for Mayor of Mil- 
waukee, be requested to address the Convention. I present 
the Hon. David S. Rose. 

Mayor Rose said: 

Gentlemen of the Convention: We come to you from a 
State that is counted upon by our friends, the enemy, as 
surely their own; a State that gave Mr. McKinley 103,000 in 
1896; but a State that can give William J. Bryan a majority in 
1900. 

My own city of Milwaukee gave the Republican candidate 
at the election of 1896 seven thousand majority, and in the 
spring of 1898 it gave a Democratic candidate for Mayor a 
majority of eight thousand. Every large city of the State of 
Wisconsin today is under a Democratic administration. And I 
ask the gentlemen of this Convention when you are figuring 
upon results for next November that you keep your eye on the 
old Badger State of Wisconsin and we don't disappoint you. 
The Wisconsin Democrats are fighting Democrats. We have 
been carrying meat axes around under our coat tails for the 
last forty years. The Democrats of that State today one and 
all are engaged in sharpening their meat axes. Four years ago 
the leaders of our party, those who had been elevated to places 
of trust and high position, deserted us. A new Democracy 
sprang up, a Democracy that stood for a new hope, that stood 
for a new political creed, imbued with a new energy and a 
new ambition. That Democracy is in the saddle to fight for 
the old principles of Jefferson personified in the Jefferson of 
this day, the Honorable William Jennings Bryan. 

We have been asking our Republican friends questions. We 
want to know what they propose to say to the people of Wis- 
consin, among whom are largely represented the people of 
that foreign country that has felt the stings of militarism. 
We want to know what they propose to do with us when the 
volunteer system will no longer supply our armies in foreign 



Democratic National Convention. 105 

service. We want them to say to us whether they propose to 
engraft upon our Constitution a system of compulsory mili- 
tarism. If they do not propose to do that then we ask them 
how they expect to retain possession of the territory which they 
say now belongs to us and which they admit can only be kept 
under control by a standing army. We want them to answer 
the people and say why it is if they are so much opposed to 
the trust organizations that are now dominating the finances, 
the industries and the commerce of our country, if they are so 
much opposed to them, why is it that although they have had 
three Congresses not one syllable of remedial legislation have 
they given to us. 

They have had the "opportunity and we can only read the 
pledge of the Philadelphia platform in the light of their history 
during the last three years. That history gives the lie to their 
promises. " 

Gentlemen of the Convention, there is a great army of 
voters, not only in Wisconsin, but in the United States, scat- 
tered everywhere, that constitute the balance of voting power. 
That great army of voters is inclined in our direction. The 
principles of the platform that will be adopted here at this 
convention covering the questions that have sprung up since 
the last National Convention convened are perfectly familiar 
to them. I refer to the great army of German voters of this 
country. Thirty-eight per cent of the population of Wiscon- 
sin is of German birth or of German extraction. We believe 
that we can secure their co-operation, that we can induce them 
to enlist undei our banner, and every inducement that can be 
held out to them should be held out to them by this conven- 
tion. It is not sufficient for us to assemble here and adopt 
the platform and nominate candidates. The battle is only 
then begun. We must stop and inquire where it is necessary 
for us to strengthen our lines in order to insure victory at 
the polls, and I ask you, gentlemen, whether it is not a fact that 
in order for us to succeed at the next election you must of 
necessity break into that bunch of States that lie east of the 
Mississippi and north of the Ohio. I am at a loss to know 
how it will be possible for us to succeed without we get the 
support of some of those States. The delegations from those 



106 Official Proceedings of the 

States who come here to represent the great body of the 
Democracy of those States should be consulted. (Applause.) 
They know political conditions as those conditions exist in 
their respective States better than they can be told by any per- 
son who lives beyond their borders. 

There is another question which was touched upon by Mr. 
Dockery, the gentleman who preceded me, that appeals to our 
people. That is the brand that is burning and that awakens 
us to the realization of our true condition. The question is 
whether the United States, standing for all that there is in 
the world of human liberty and human freedom — whether we 
shall stand like cowards and see our two little sister Republics 
overridden by the proud tyrant who seeks to subdue them sole- 
ly for greed of gold. 

If there was reason for us to interfere in behalf of Cuba, 
a people that had never had a government, a people that had 
never been recognized as a nation — if there was reason for us 
to interfere in their behalf, how much more potent is the 
reason for us to interfere in behalf of the only two sister Re- 
publics whose government approaches our own? For my part 
I would like to see this convention say to England, "You shall 
take off your hands from these little sisters until the nations 
have determined by arbitration or other amicable means 
whether you are right. If you are right, you may proceed, but 
if you are wrong, then in the strength that God gave us, you 
shall not proceed further." A declaration of that kind in our 
platform will arouse the enthusiastic support of thousands of 
Dutch voters in this country and thousands of German sym- 
pathizers. Aye, more, it will arouse the active sympathy and 
co-operation of every man who places human liberty before 
Mammon. 

I am glad indeed to be permitted to meet with this conven- 
tion — a great deliberative body where a Democrat has got the 
right to express his individual views and individual prefer- 
ences, but he has got no right to question the policy of this, 
convention after that policy has been adopted. For my part, 
it makes no difference, so far as my personal views are con- 
cerned, what the platform of this convention shall be. It shall 
have my enthusiastic, earnest support. But, when you are 



Democratic National Convention. 107 

making platforms consider the voters who live in the Middle 
West States and what is necessary to get their co-operation 
and support. So far as I am concerned, I do not believe in 
taking one backward step from the stand we took in 1896. Let 
us stand by the Chicago platform and everything that there 
is in it. Let us reaffirm that platform in letter and in spirit. 
But it seems to me that reaffirmation means reaffirmation, and 
that it is not necessary for us to travel over the thorny, broken 
paths that led us to defeat in 1896. 

I make these suggestions to you, my fellow Democrats, with 
all of the earnestness and sincerity of my nature. I appeal to 
Democrats from Texas, from Mississippi — aye, from old Mis- 
souri — to come up there to help us in our fight to win a victory 
for them. We need their support. 

Gentlemen of the convention, this magnificent assemblage 
gives the lie to the prediction that was made by the Republican 
party four years ago. It is usually easy to give the lie to most 
any prediction or promise that they made. They told us that 
the Democracy of this country was dead and we would never 
hold another convention, but God witness this magnificent 
resurrection ! * 

Let us go at them, flank and center ; let us start them on 
the run, put them on the defensive, and keep them busy defend- 
ing until we have driven them into defeat in November. 

At the conclusion of Mayor Rose's address the Chair intro- 
duced Hon. J. A. McCollough, of Indiana, who spoke as fol- 
lows; 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I come from a State whose 
Democracy is always in earnest for the ticket and for the plat- 
form when the one is named and the other is adopted. Indiana 
has had many hard fought battles under the lead of its great 
statesmen whose history you all know. Indiana was among 
the first in recent years of Northern States to cast its light on 
behalf of the great Democratic party and to cast its electoral 
vote for the nominee of Democratic conventions. Four years 
ago there were some who had trained as Democrats who left 
the party, under the influence in part of the gold convention that 
was held in Indianapolis. But let me say to you, my fellow 
Democrats, that in Indiana a man cannot at one time pretend 
to be a Democrat when in point of fact he is not, and remain 



io8 Official Proceedings of the 

in the Democratic party deceitfully. Indiana this year comes to 
this convention to take part in its platform and in the nomina- 
tions that are to be made when the one is adopted and the 
candidates are named. Indiana's Democracy is in earnest for 
the purpose of casting its electoral vote next November for that 
ticket. That is the sentiment that prevails there and prevails 
among our Democracy as a whole, whatever shade of belief 
they may entertain with reference to questions that to some 
extent have divided us before. Let me say to you, as has been 
said here by Mr. Rose, that Indiana's Democracy is in favor 
of no backward steps. Let me say to you that the gain that 
must come this year to carry Indiana for the Democratic ticket 
must come from our great cities, and largely from among the 
German voters. Let me say to you that Indianians are alive 
to the overshadowing issue of imperialism. Give them the 
platform that the Democratic Convention will give upon the 
subject of trusts. Give them the platform that any Democratic 
convention will give upon the subject of subjects, and upon the 
subject of tariff. 

Give them a platform that in no w r ay recedes from any step 
that has been taken to free the country from oppressive financial 
legislation, but do not unnecessarily undertake to rehash those 
things that are unnecessary. On behalf of the Democracy 
everywhere we have announced our principles along financial 
lines as well as along other lines, and I believe that the Demo- 
cratic party stands now and will stand in the future in favor 
of those principles at all times when there is a possibility of 
putting them in force. I say give us a platform along those 
lines, my fellow citizens, and you will find, as I believe, and as 
every fellow Democrat, I think, believes, that in November 
Indiana will take her stand along with other Democratic States 
in casting her electoral vote for William J. Bryan for President 
of the United States and for the Vice Presidential candidate to 
be named today and for the number of Congressmen that will 
stand up for Democratic principles from first to last. I thank 
you, my fellow citizens, for your kind attention 

(At the conclusion of Mr. McCollough's address there were 
calls for Senator Vest and a number of calls for Senator Hill.) 

The Chair: The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 



Democratic National Convention. 109 

Massachusetts, Hon. George Fred Williams, for the purpose of 
making a motion. The Convention will be in order. 

Mr. Williams, of Massachusetts : Mr. Chairman, in ac- 
cordance with the vote of the outgoing National Committee, I 
offer the following motion : 

That a committee of nine be appointed by the Chair for the 
purpose of conferring with the Silver Republican and Populist 
parties now in gathering in Kansas City. 

The motion was put by the Chair and declared adopted. 

The Chair: I wish to introduce Hon. J. R. Williams, of 
Illinois, who will now address you. 

Mr. Williams, of Illinois, said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : When this platform has been 
adopted every Democrat who is a Democrat will be hunting not 
for a place where he cannot stand, but he will be looking for a 
place where he can stand. This platform will contain a plank 
wide enough and long enough for every Democrat in the United 
States to stand on. I tell you, the Democracy of this country 
from one end of the Union to the other can unite on the Declara- 
tion of Independence. 

We can unite on tne constitution of our country. We can 
unite against imperialism and McKinleyism. We can unite 
for the Republic and William J. Bryan of America. Let me 
say to you that whatever the platform may say, the supreme 
issue in the great contest before us is the life of the Republic 
itself. Let me warn the delegates of this convention not to 
quibble, not to contest over little things. It matters not, that 
will be the issue, and the only way to magnify any other ques- 
tion is by a fight over it in this convention. If any other issue 
is brought to the front, the men who stir up strife in this con- 
vention and seek to magnify some other question must accept 
the responsibility for it. This is all. Let us remember that 
there never was a time in the history of our party when the 
conditions of the country appealed to us so earnestly for united 
and judicious action as now. If Democrats indulge in fighting 
each other, it will not be long until there will be but little left 
to fight for. Let us unite on our platform. You need not 
be afraid. Both the platform and the candidates will be Demo- 
crats — a platform that will declare the flag and constitu- 



no Official Proceedings of the 

tion shall dwell together, and when we submit to the liberty 
loving people a platform and candidates in favor of a Republic 
as against an Empire they will surely haul down McKinley ; 
they will snatch from his imperial brow his glittering crown, 
bought with the blood of his countrymen, and enthrone in his 
place of power that fearless champion of human rights, that 
brave defender of human freedom, and crown him with the 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the Re- 
public. 

The Chair : I now take pleasure in introducing Governor 
J. A. W. Beckham, of Kentucky. 

(Governor Beckham was greeted with loud and prolonged 
applause by the delegates and audience.) 

Governor Beckham said: 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : I shall 
not undertake to make you any spe'ech upon this occasion, but I 
desire to thank you gratefully for this expression of your 
esteem, not only to me but to the outraged and slandered De- 
mocracy of my State of Kentucky. I want to say to you that 
if any blot or stain has been placed upon that State it has been 
placed there by those who have not voted and who will not 
vote the Democratic ticket. But I want to promise you, my 
friends, that after the experience we have had in Kentucky in 
the last year we Democrats, having learned somehow to fight 
down there, I promise to this convention and to the Democracy 
of the United States that in the November election Kentucky 
will be found safely and solidly in the Democratic column. We 
have had some exodus of criminals from our State, and if the 
good work keeps up the Democratic majority in Kentucky this 
fall will be 100,000. We have seen down there, my friends, 
so much of Republican misrule, we have had such a dose of it, 
that the Democrats of that State do not care much what kind 
of a platform you. give them, they are going to stand on it 
and give their vote to Bryan in November. 

Gentlemen, I do not want to take up your time any longer. 
You have heard a great many distinguished speakers today, and 
you will hear more of them. I want to thank you again for 
this kindly reception. 



Democratic National Convention. hi 

The Chair introduced Hon. Joshua W. Miles, of Maryland, 
who addressed the convention as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and my Fellow Countrymen: Per- 
haps it would be in order, as there is scarcely a member of this 
vast audience outside my own delegation who knows the humble 
delegate who is now to address you, that I should make some 
introduction of myself, in order that my words may carry with 
them a force that they otherwise would not have. I am, .my 
fellow citizens, one of those Democrats who, not agreeing to 
every dogma in the platform of 1896, yet in an humble effort to 
sustain the decrees of my party convention, followed the flag 
of William Jennings Bryan. To me, fellow Democrats, it is 
one thing to be a Democrat from adherence to dogma, and it is 
another and an entirely different thing to be a Democrat from 
instinctive sympathy with the hopes and aspirations of the great 
masses of the plain people of this Republic. 

Believing that William Jennings Bryan represents this type 
of Democracy, putting aside this dogma and that dogma of 
1896, turning my back upon relatives and friends and Demo- 
crats with whom I have associated from infancy, I held aloft 
the decrees of a Democratic National Convention. I am here 
today with every fiber of my nature beating with the principles 
which found lodgment in my breast in 1896. When this con- 
vention speaks your humble speaker will find his way back to a 
rural Democracy in Maryland to plead for the election of the 
great tribune of the people, who after all, however I may differ 
with him as to immaterial things, I recognize to be the greatest 
living leader of Democracy in this American Republic. 

But, fellow citizens, I must, if I would be honest with you, 
make an appeal. We have come to this convention representing 
the conservative State of Maryland, a State that until 1896 
registered its vote for every Democratic candidate for Presi- 
dent for over a quarter of a century prior to that time. There 
are many men in Maryland who would like to come back and 
follow the flag of Democracy in this campaign, and while I 
need no invitation, while the gentlemen who are with me to 
stand by the decree of this convention need no invitation, while 
these men helped to defeat your humble speaker in' 1896, I 
put aside my own prejudices, forget the wounds which they 
have inflicted upon me, and for the sake of the party I appeal 



ii2 Official Proceedings of the 

to you to act today so that we may on every side vote for the 
leader whom you and I have already chosen. 

Hon. J. G. Johnson, of Kansas : Mr. Chairman — 

Mr. MileS: I recognize from the voice that has just been 
lifted that the few minutes acceded me have expired. I am 
very sorry, my friends, that I cannot stand here long enough 
to make more potential this plea. I want to say, my friends, 
you may say there is no difference between that which is asked 
for and that which is conceded, but recollect that that which is 
asked for is endorsed by such friends of William J. Bryan, as 
John W. Daniel, of Virginia, Carter H. Harrison, of Illinois. 
If these men be not friends of Bryan, in the name of God where 
are his friends in this Republic? 

Now, my friends, I will not prolong this speech. I did want 
an opportunity to appeal to you because I have a right to do 
it, since we have learned of the action of the Committee on Reso- 
lutions, to appeal to you in the names of such doubtful States 
as New York, New Jersey and Indiana, and such rock-ribbed 
Gibraltars of Democracy as Virginia, Louisiana, Florida, North 
Carolina and Texas, with her two hundred thousand. 

I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for the attention which 
you have accorded me. I want again an opportunity to thank the 
beautiful representative of the female New York Democracy 
for that splendid rendition of that magnificent national melody 
which was written by a patriot son of Maryland. I thank you 
all. Let us get together. 

The Chair : The Chair desires to make a statement. 

The Chair is informed that the Committee on Platform and 
Resolutions will be ready to report at half-past three. 

The Chair recognized Hon. J. G. Johnson, of Kansas, who 
moved that the convention take a recess until half-past three 
o'clock. 

The motion was unanimously adopted and the convention 
at 12 43 p. m. took a recess until 3 130 p. m. 






SECOND DAY. 



AFTERNOON SESSION. 



Kansas City, July 5, 1900. 

The Convention was called to order by Chairman Richard- 
son at 4:11 p. m., who said: 

I wish to announce to the convention that the Committee on 
Platform and Resolutions is now ready to report, but the com- 
mittee will not report until order is restored on the floor, so 
that the committee can submit its report. 

The convention being in order the Chair recognized Hon. 
James K. Jones, Chairman of the Committee on Platform and 
Resolutions, who said : 

"Mr. Chairman, I am directed by the Committee on Plat- 
form and Resolutions to report a platform to this convention 
for its adoption, and I will request Senator Tillman of South 
Carolina to read it." (Applause.) 

Senator Tillman : Mr. Chairman, your committee beg 
to report the following platform of principles : 

PLATFORM. 

We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the 
United States assembled in National Convention on the An- 
niversary of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, 
do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclamation of the in- 
alienable rights of man, and our allegiance to the Constitution 
framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the Republic. 
We hold with the United States Supreme Court that the 



H4 Official Proceedings of the 

Declaration of Independence is the spirit of our government, 
of which the Constitution is the form and letter. We declare 
again that all governments instituted among men derive their 
just powers from the consent of the governed ; that any gov- 
ernment not based upon the consent of the governed is a 
tyranny; and that to impose upon any people a government 
of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those 
of a republic. We hold that the Constitution follows the flag, 
and denounce the doctrine that an Executive or Congress 
deriving their existence and their powers from the Constitu- 
tion can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in violation of 
it. We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and 
half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism 
abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. 

Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the 
Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the 
protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold 
and open violation of the nation's organic law and a flagrant 
breach of the national good faith. It imposes upon the people 
of Porto Rico a government without their consent and taxation 
without representation. It dishonors the American people by 
repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the Com- 
manding General of our Army, which the Porto Ricans wel- 
comed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their land. 
It dooms to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness 
appeals with peculiar force to our justice and magnanimity. 
In this, the first act of its imperialistic programme, the Repub- 
lican party seeks to commit the United States to a colonial 
policy, inconsistent with republican institutions and condemned 
by the Supreme Court in numerous decisions. 

We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge 
to the Cuban people and the world that the United States has 
no disposition nor intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdic- 
tion, or control over the island of Cuba, except for its pacifica- 
tion. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound peace 
reigns over all the island, and still the administration keeps 
the government of the island from its people, while Republican 
carpet-bag officials plunder its revenues and exploit the colonial 
theory to the disgrace of the American people. 

We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of 



Democratic National Convention. 115 

the present administration. It has embroiled the Republic in 
an unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of its noblest 
sons, and placed the United States, previously known and ap- 
plauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, 
in the false and un-American position of crushing with military 
force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and self- 
government. The Filipinos cannot be citizens without en- 
dangering our civilization; they cannot be subjects without 
imperiling our form of government, and as we are not willing 
to surrender our civilization or to convert the Republic into an 
empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the nation's pur- 
pose to give to the Philippinos : First, a stable form of govern- 
ment; second, independence; and third, protection from out- 
side interference such as has been given for nearly a century 
to the republics of Central and South America. 

The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine 
policy of the Republican administration attempts to justify it 
with- the plea that it will pay; but even this sordid and un- 
worthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. The war 
of "criminal aggression" against the Pihilippinos, entailing an 
annual expense of many millions, has already cost more than 
any possible profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine 
trade for years to come. Furthermore, when trade is extended 
at the expense of liberty the price is always too high. 

We are not opposed to territorial expansion when it takes 
in desirable territory which can be erected into States in the 
Union, and whose people are willing and fit to become Ameri- 
can citizens. We favor trade expansion by every peaceful 
and legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the 
seizing or purchasing of distant islands to. be governed outside 
the Constitution and whose people can never become citizens. 

We are in favor of extending the Republic's influence among 
the nations, but we believe that influence should be extended 
not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power 
of a high and honorable example. 

The importance of other questions now pending before 
the American people is in no wise diminished and the Demo- 
cratic party takes no backward step from its position on them, 
but the burning issue of imperialism growing out of the Spanish 
war involves the very existence of the Republic and the destruc- 



n6 Official Proceedings of the 

tion of our free institutions. We regard it as the paramount 
issue of the campaign. 

The declaration in the Republican platform, adopted at 
the Philadelphia Convention, held in June, 1900, that the 
Republican party "steadfastly adheres to the policy announced 
in the Monroe doctrine," is manifestly insincere and deceptive. 
This profession is contradicted by the avowed policy of that 
party in opposition to the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine, to 
acquire and hold sovereignty over large areas of territory and 
large numbers of people in the Eastern Hemisphere. We insist 
on the strict maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine in all its 
integrity, both in letter and in spirit, as necessary to prevent 
the extension of European authority on this Continent and as 
essential to our supremacy in American affairs. At the same 
time we declare that no American people shall ever be held by 
force in unwilling subjection to European authority. 

We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and in- 
timidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm 
which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what mil- 
lions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will impose 
upon our peace loving people a large standing army, an un- 
necessary burden of taxation and a constant menace to their 
liberties. A small standing army and a well disciplined State 
militia are amply sufficient in time of peace. This Republic 
has no place for a vast military establishment, a sure fore- 
runner of compulsory military service and conscription. When 
the nation is in danger the volunteer soldier is his country's 
best defender. The National Guard of the United States 
should ever be cherished in the patriotic hearts of a free people. 
Such organizations are ever an element of strength and safety. 
For the first time in our history, and co-eval with the Philippine 
conquest, has there been a wholesale departure from our time 
honored and approved system of volunteer organization. We 
denounce it as un-American, tin-Democratic and un-Republican, 
and as a subversion of the ancient and fixed principles of a free 
people. 

Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They 
destroy competition, control the price of raw material, and of 
the finished product, thus robbing both producer and consumer. 
They lessen the employment of labor, and arbitrarily fix the 



Democratic National Convention. 117 

terms and conditions thereof; arid deprive individual energy 
and small capital of their opportunity of betterment. 

They are the most efficient means yet devised for appropri- 
ating the fruits of industry to the benefit of the few at the 
expense of the many, and unless their insatiate greed is checked, 
all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic 
destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the 
Republican party in its State and national platforms is con- 
clusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are the 
legitimate product of Republican policies, that they are fostered 
by Republican laws, and that they are protected by the Republi- 
can administration in return for campaign subscriptions and 
political support. 

We pledge the Democratic party to an unceasing warfare in 
nation, State and city against private monopoly in every form. 
Existing laws against trusts must be enforced and more strin- 
gent ones must be enacted providing for publicity as to the 
affairs of corporations engaged in interstate commerce and 
requiring all corporations to show, before doing business out- 
side of the State of their origin, that they have no water in 
their stock, and that they have not attempted, and are not at- 
tempting, to monopolize any branch of business or the produc- 
tion of any articles of merchandise, and the whole constitutional 
power of Congress over interstate commerce, the mails and all 
modes of interstate communication, shall be exercised by the 
enactment of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts. 
Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of 
trusts upon the free list, to prevent monopoly under the plea 
of protection. The failure of the present Republican admin- 
istration, with an absolute control over all of the branches of 
the national government, to enact any legislation designed to 
prevent or even curtail the absorbing power of trusts and 
illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws already 
on the statute books prove the insincerity of the high sounding 
phrases of the Republican platform. 

Corporations should be protected in all their rights and 
their legitimate interests should be respected, but any attempt 
by corporations to interfere with the public affairs of the 
people or to control the sovereignty which creates them, should 



n8 Official Proceedings of the 

be forbidden under such penalties as will make such attempts 
impossible. 

We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust breeding 
measure, skillfully devised to give to the few favors which 
they do not deserve, and to place upon the many burdens 
which they should not bear. 

We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate 
commerce law as will enable the commission to protect in- 
dividuals and communities from discriminations and the public 
from unjust and unfair transportation rates. 

We reaffirm and endorse the principles of the National 
Democratic Platform adopted at Chicago in 1896, and we re- 
iterate the demand of that platform for an American financial 
system made by the American people for themselves, and which 
shall restore and maintain a bi-metallic price level, and as part 
of such system the immediate restoration of the free and un- 
limited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 
sixteen to one, without waiting for the aid or consent of any 
other nation. 

We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session 
of Congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which 
aims to discredit the sovereign right of the National Govern- 
ment to issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow 
upon national banks the power to issue and control the volume 
of paper money for their own benefit. A permanent national 
bank currency, secured by government bonds, must have a 
permanent debt to rest upon, and, if the bank currency is to 
increase with population and business, the debt must also in- 
crease. The Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a 
scheme for fastening upon the taxpayers a perpetual and grow- 
ing debt for the benefit of the banks. We are opposed to this 
private corporation paper circulated as money, but without 
legal tender qualities, and demand the retirement of national 
bank notes as fast as government paper or silver certificates 
can be substituted for them. 

We favor an amendment to the Federal Constitution, pro- 
viding for the election of United States Senators by direct 
vote of the people, and we favor direct legislation wherever 
practicable. 

We are opposed to government by injunction ; we denounce 



Democratic National Convention. 119 

the blacklist, and favor arbitration as a means of settling dis- 
putes between corporations and their employees. 

In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the 
workingman, as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our coun- 
try, we recommend that Congress create a Department of 
Labor, in charge of a secretary, with a seat in the Cabinet, 
believing that the elevation of the American laborer will bring 
with it increased production and increased prosperity to our 
country at home and to our commerce abroad. 

We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American 
soldiers and sailors in all our wars ; we favor liberal pensions 
to them and their dependents; and we reiterate the position 
taken in the Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlist- 
ment and service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against 
disease and disability before enlistment. 

We favor the immediate construction, ownership and con- 
trol of the Nicaraguan Canal by the United States, and we 
denounce the insincerity of the plank in the Republican Na- 
tional Platform for an Isthmian Canal in the face of the fail- 
ure of the Republican majority to pass the bill pending in 
Congress. 

We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of 
American rights and interests not to be tolerated by the Amer- 
ican people. 

W T e denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry 
out its pledges to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona, 
New Mexico and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of 
those territories immediate statehood and home rule during 
their condition as territories, and we favor home rule and a 
territorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico. 

We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid 
lands ,of the West, storing the waters for the purpose of irri- 
gation, and the holding of such lands for actual settlers. 

We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the 
Chinese exclusion law, and its application to the same classes 
of all Asiatic races. 

Jefferson said: "Peace, commerce and honest friendship 
with all nations, entangling alliances with none." We approve 
this wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest against the 
Republican departure which has involved us in so-called world 



120 Official Proceedings of the 

politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue 
and land-grabbing of Asia, and we especially condemn the ill- 
concealed Republican alliance with England, which must mean 
discrimination against other friendly nations, and which has 
already stifled the nation's voice while liberty is being strangled 
in Africa. 

Believing in the principles of self-government and reject- 
ing, as did our forefathers, the claim of monarchy, we view 
with indignation the purpose of England to overwhelm with 
force the South African Republics. Speaking, as we believe, 
for the entire American nation, except its Republican office- 
holders, and for all the free men everywhere we extend our 
sympathies to the heroic burghers in their unequal struggle 
to maintain their liberty and independence. 

We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican 
Congresses, which have kept taxes high and which threaten 
the perpetuation of the oppressive war levies. We oppose the 
accumulation of a surplus to be squandered in such barefaced 
frauds upon the taxpayers as the snipping subsidy bill, which, 
under the false pretense of fostering American ship building, 
would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite con- 
tributors to the Republican campaign fund. We favor the 
reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes, and a return to 
the time honored Democratic policy of strict economy in 
governmental expenditures. 

Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great 
peril, that the very existence of our constitutional republic is 
at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will deter- 
mine whether or not our children are to enjoy those blessed 
privileges of free government, which have made the United 
States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask for 
the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty support of 
the liberty loving American people, regardless of previous 
party affiliations. 

(During the reading of the platform, when Senator Till- 
man read the sentence : "But the burning issue of imperialism, 
growing out of the Spanish war, involves the very existence of 
the Republic, and the destruction of our free institutions. We 
regard it as the paramount issue of this campaign,'' there was 
a tremendous outburst of applause in every quarter of the 



Democratic National Convention. 121 

great auditorium. American flags blossomed from the hand 
of every delegate and appeared in the galleries, waved by 
enthusiastic spectators. The standards of the different State 
delegations were carried to the platform; and just over the 
Chairman's stand an immense American flag was let down, 
which completely hid the speaker's table. Across the flag were 
printed in large letters : "Governments derive their just powers 
from the consent of the governed." ''The Constitution and the 
Flag, one and inseparable, now and forever.''' "Flag of the 
Republic forever and the Empire never." "A Republic can 
have no Colonies." The demonstration lasted for eighteen 
minutes, and it was with great difficulty that the Chair was able 
to secure order so that Senator Tillman could proceed with the 
reading of the platform.) 

Order being restored the Chair recognized Hon. James K. 
Jones, of Arkansas, who said : 

Air. Chairman, by direction of the Committee on Platform 
and Resolutions, I move that the platform just reported be 
adopted by the Convention by acclamation. 

The Chair put the motion and declared it adopted unani- 
mously. 

A delegate moved that Hon. Webster Davis be invited to 
address the convention. 

The motion was put and adopted unanimously. 

The Chair : I now have the pleasure of introducing Hon. 
Webster Davis. 

M r. Davis addressed the convention as follows : 
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I ap- 
preciate very highly the honor conferred upon me by inviting 
me to say a few words at this time, and I shall not detain you 
but a moment. I have been honored highly by another political 
party than this in the past. I have served that party well, and 
have rendered services as good as the honor I received, and 
the account is balanced now. Life, human life, is but a narrow 
span between two great unknown eternities, and life is too short 
for a man to sacrifice his principles or his love of country for 
money or for office in this Republic. 

I have never yet read or heard a platform that was so in- 
tensely American as the platform read here in this conven- 



122 Official Proceedings of the 

tion. Old conditions have passed away; old questions have 
passed and gone, and new questions are now before the Ameri- 
can people. I care not a snap of my finger for party or private 
criticism. I care nothing for office, because I gave up one vol- 
untarily better than any you can give me, and the man or news- 
paper that makes the statement that I was forced to leave the 
administration against my will absolutely, unqualifiedly and 
maliciously lies. 

I love liberty, I love equality of rights, and I love justice, 
and when the party that I belong to has been too cowardly to 
take a stand for liberty, to stand for a Republican form of gov- 
ernment as against a British aristocracy and monarchy, I leave 
it and leave it for good. In every part of Europe and Africa 
the charge is made by the British press and the British officials 
that there is a secret alliance between this country and Great 
Britain, to the effect that in case of any foreign nation attempt- 
ing to intervene in behalf of the poor Boers, that this Republic 
will stand by Great Britain with its army and navy. 
I have yet to hear of the administration denying that 
report. I defended the administration in every address I 
made in behalf of the Boers since my unfortunate visit to that 
country — for me, I say unfortunate financially and politically — 
but I say now I will never defend it again because it has not 
taken the chance at its national convention to tell the American 
people that we are for liberty and republican forms of gov- 
ernment. Liberty ! we all love the splendid word — the sweetest 
word that ever blossomed upon the tongues of men, and as one 
great Republican Senator said in the United States Senate: 
"It has come to pass that we must whisper the word Liberty 
in Washington." Is it a fact that liberty is to become obsolete 
in the American lexicon? Is it a fact that this great Republic 
must chain itself to the chariot wheels of the British Empire 
in its mad race for land and gold? 

I sympathise with people struggling for liberty everywhere. 
I sympathised with them as they struggled for liberty in 
Armenia. I sympathised with them as they struggled for lib- 
erty in Greece. And when the war broke out with Spain we 
said then that it was a war not for conquest, not for glory, 
but for carrying liberty to people who were crying for help 
at our feet. And the boys marched up from the northland. 



Democratic National Convention. 123 

whose fathers once marched in tattered blue, with the song 

their fathers loved, "My Country Tis of Thee," and the boys 

came from the southland, they whose fathers once marched in 

ragged gray to the music of "Way Down South in Dixie." 

And they followed the men who once led the Northern and 

Southern armies, down to Cuba and into other lands, and 

into the islands of the sea. They marched under one flag 

in behalf of one country, to the music of one splendid melody, 

as they felt in their hearts the music that inspired the men 

in the days gone by : 

"In the beauty of the lilies, Christ was born across the sea, 
As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men Free. 

Up until that point the war was right, but w T hen we passed 
beyond that point the administration went too far. But it was 
another indication of following in the footsteps of Great 
Britain ; when our flag rose over the flag of the rotten Spanish 
monarchy the American Republic could not resist the tempta- 
tion then of following in the footsteps of Great Britain, and it 
thirsted for land and gold, and that is where the mistake was 
made. We should have stopped at the end of the Spanish 
victory, when we brought liberty to the people who were being 
ground to death under the heel of Spanish tyranny. 

We do love liberty. The masses of the American people 
stand for the blessed idea of Liberty, Justice, and Equality of 
Rights, and I dare say today if it were possible to get the news 
over the British cable to the Boer farmers in the two South 
African Republics that these representatives of six or seven 
million American voters send a word of sympathy to them 
many a Boer would shout for joy in the hills of the Transvaal. 
A grander struggle for liberty was never made in the world's 
history than the struggle being made by the republicans and 
democrats in South Africa. Let us sympathise with them, 
and I am glad that you have taken this action today, and at 
the polls in November follow it up. Let American principles 
ever live. Let them go on through the years to come as an 
inspiration to generations yet unborn. Liberty, love of country, 
one flag, one country, one splendid destiny where manhood 
reigns alone, and every citizen is King. I stand upon this 
platform and support William Jennings Bryan. 

(The applause which greeted Mr. Davis at the conclusion 
of his address was prolonged and enthusiastic.) 



124 Official Proceedings of the 

Hon. J. G. Johnson, of Kansas, moved that the States be 
called for the nomination of President, and that seconding 
speeches be limited to ten minutes. 

The motion was unanimously adopted. 

The Chair: Before a call of States is proceeded with 
the secretary will announce the Special Committee on Confer- 
ence. The secretary read the names of the committeemen as 
follows : 

committee on conference. 

Hon. George Fred Williams, of Massachusetts. 

Hon. J. G. Berry, of Arkansas. 

Hon. W. H. Thompson, of Nebraska. 

Hon. Chas. Thomas, of Colorado. 

Hon. J. S. Rose, of Wisconsin. 

Hon. Thomas H. Martin, of Virginia. 

Hon. J. G. Maguire, of California. 

Hon. B. R. Tillman, of South Carolina. 

Hon. Carter H. Harrison, of Illinois. 

The Chair announced that the Committee on Conference 
would meet at 7 o'clock p. m. 

The Chair: The secretary will now proceed with the call 
of the States for the nomination of President of the United 
States, beginning with the State of Alabama. 

The State of Alabama having been called, Hon. Tennent 
Lomax, chairman of the delegation, said : The State of x\labama 
yields to the State of Nebraska, and the State of Nebraska will 
send its representative to the platform. 

Hon. William D. Oldham, of Nebraska, ascended the plat- 
form, and addressing the Chairman and members of the con- 
vention, said : 

Mr. Chairman : When the Republican party met in National 
Convention in Philadelphia a short time ago, representatives 
of the carpet-bagging canaille of the State of Alabama yielded 
to Ohio the privilege of presenting their preference for a Presi- 
dent of the United States ; and the State of Nebraska now bows 
her acknowledgment of a similar courtesy extended to her by 
representatives of the enlightened chivalry and manhood of that 
historic State. 

More than one hundred years ago the Continental Congress 



Democratic National Convention. 125 

of America adopted a declaration that had been drafted by the 
founder of the Democratic party, and the joyous notes of 
Old Liberty Bell which greeted that act announced to a wait- 
ing world that a nation had been born. With hearts unchilled 
by the selfish sentiment of cold commercialism, you have 
patriotically responded to each principle contained in Demo- 
cracy's first platform as it was read to you at the opening of this 
convention. And in view of the radical departure that the party 
in power has made from the principles set forth in that historic 
document, it is meet that we true believers in the Republic of 
old should, in choosing a field and forming our lines for the 
bloodless battle of ballots now impending, say in the language 
of a loved patriot of long ago : "Read this declaration at the 
head of the army, and every sword shall be drawn from its 
scabbard and a solemn vow taken to maintain it or to perish on 
the bed of honor." 

Much of history for this Republic shall be either made or 
marred by the action of this convention. You, as representa- 
tives of the only party that is coexistent with the nation itself ; 
the only party that ever had within its own ranks sufficient 
constructive statesmanship to create a nation in which each 
citizen became a sovereign, have, true to the traditions that 
you bear, in your platform set out in simple language and with 
a decided American accent, a plan for the people's redemption 
from each sacrifice and schism taught by the Republican party. 
That plan contains nothing but the approved precepts of the 
elders and doctors of your faith. Now, if on such a platform 
you place a candidate whose devoted and unblemished life shall 
stand as a pledge to the plain people that he will in good faith 
carry out each of the solemn covenants contained therein, then 
the hour of our ultimate triumph is at hand. 

There is no higher honor reserved for a citizen of these 
United States than to become the national standard bearer of 
the Democratic party. It at once enrolls his name on the scroll 
of the immortals "who were not born to die." It encircles him 
with a halo of the glory from all the illustrious achievements 
that that unconquered and unconquerable organization has em- 
blazoned on each page of our nation's history. It entrusts to his 
keeping the fame of that long line of statesmen and patriots 
who have knelt for a blessing at Democracy's shrine. 



126 Officii Proceedings of the 

Oh, bright are the names of those heroes and sages 
That shine like stars through the dimness of ages. 

Whose deeds are inscribed on the pages of story, 
Forever to live in the sunlight of glory. 

This high distinction must not be unworthily bestowed. 
It must foliow as a reward for noble actions bravely done ; for 
unrequited, tireless toil; for sacrifices made, and strength dis- 
played; for trusts discharged and pledges kept. We must 
choose a leader whose public and private life most nearly ex- 
emplifies our party's highest ideal; who stands unqualifiedly 
pledged to every issue we declare, and who will carry the 
standard we place in his hands even as the Black Douglass 
carried the sacred casket that enclosed the heart of Bruce. 

Your candidate must not declare for free trade with Porto 
Rico, and then, at the persuasive suggestion of the sugar and 
tobacco trust, sign a bill prescribing a tariff for that unhappy 
island. He must not denounce a policy as one of "criminal ag- 
gression," and then at the command of a power behind the 
throne pursue the very policy he has so denounced. 

Your candidate must not, while professing opposition to 
combines and conspiracies against trade, send his emissaries to 
the trust barons' castles to beg, like Lazarus at Dives' gates, 
for subscriptions to his campaign. He must not lend the moral 
support of his administration to a monarchy in its effort to 
destroy a Republic ; but he must ever sympathise with a people 
struggling for the right of self-government. 

Instead of the Republican policy of monometallism, he must 
offer the free and unlimited coinage of the money metals of the 
Constitution — the gold that polished the winged sandals of 
Hermes, and the silver that glitters in the bow of Diana. 

Instead of a panic-breeding credit currency, controlled by 
a bank trust, he must offer government paper controlled by the 
people. He must be able to distinguish between Democratic 
expansion and Republican imperialism, the first a natural 
growth by the addition of contiguous American territory, into 
every foot of which is carried the Constitution, the flag and the 
decalogue ; where over the shoulders of every inhabitant of the 
added territory is thrown a purple robe of sovereign citizen- 
ship. This is an expansion that has added eighteen stars to 
the field of blue, in the "Banner of the Free," to symbolize the 



Democratic National Convention. 127 

States that have been carved from public domain and added to 
this country by the wisdom and statesmanship of the Demo- 
cratic party. It is an expansion that is bounded on the north 
by the Constitution of the United States, on the east by the 
Monroe doctrine, on the south by the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and on the west by the Ten Commandments. 

How different this from the bandit policy of Republican 
imperialism, with its standing army and bayonet rule of con- 
quered provinces ; its government against their will of sullen 
subjects by force and fraud, its denial to them of the protection 
of the Constitution or the command which says, "Thou shalt 
not steal." This is a policy that would send our Uncle Sam 
off his American range with a cowboy hat, a rope, and a brand- 
ing iron, to rustle and brand over all the loose islands of the 
Orient while hypocritically chanting the long-meter doxology. 

Democratic skies are brighter today than they were when 
we met in convention four years ago. Then a financial cata- 
clysm had swept over this country, and although its every in- 
ducing cause was plainly traceable to the errors and follies of 
the Republican party, yet we were in power when it came, and 
were wrongfully charged with the responsibility for the shat- 
tered fortunes which strewed its wake. 

Torn asunder by dissensions within and disaster without 
our party faced a dark and foreboding future that seemed to 
augur its dissolution. The problem then was the selection of 
a candidate bold enough to cover the rear of a retreat and save 
the party from destruction, if not from defeat ; while discord, 
with her naming torch came down, to confuse our counsels 
there ; from out of the Sunset Realm a leader came and bade 
defiance to the oncoming hosts. With the strength of youth, 
a wisdom of age, with knightly mien and matchless words, he 
towered above his Peers, and all who saw him then, with one 
accord, did hail him Chief and gave the Party's standard to his 
hand. Slowly despair gave way to hope. Confidence came 
back, where timorous fear had been. The broken, shattered, 
columns formed again, and behind him singing came six 
million, five hundred thousand, valiant men to that unequal 
fight. And the story of how bravely he fought, how fear- 
lessly he fell, and how dearly the enemy's victory was bought, 
has all gone out into history. 



128 Official Proceedings of the 

Back from his ''First Battle" he came, the hopeful and un- 
conquered hero of the rights of men. Conscious of the recti- 
tude of his motives, and cheered by the belief that "no issue 
is ever settled until it is settled right," he cheerfully accepted 
the result of his first campaign and girded his lions for the 
coming contest between the dollar and the man. 

For four years he has waged an unceasing warfare against 
his country's enemies. For four years he has held up our party 
standard, and his voice has cheered the hosts of Democracy 
in every State and Territory. 

When trusts began to increase under Republican protec- 
tion he first pointed out the danger and prescribed a remedy. 
When the alarms of a war for humanity roused the patriotic 
spirit of our land, he tendered his sword to his country's cause 
on the day that war was declared. 

When later he saw the administration departing from the 
ancient landmarks of our institutions in its enchanted dream 
of Empire and Militarism, he was the first to raise a warning 
voice, and, resigning his command on the day that the treaty 
of peace was signed, he threw himself into the contest for the 
rescue of the Republic Realizing that Imperialism, like the 
fabled Antaeus, was a son of Earth, and that if struggled with 
upon the selfish, worldly plane of Greed and Gain and Gold, it 
was of giant strength, and if thrown down would rise again 
refreshed from contact with its mother element; He, like the 
mighty Hercules, raised it high above the sordid sphere from 
which its strength was drawn, and on a plane of lofty patriotism 
he strangled it. 

With the issues thus clearly drawn, no doubt remains 
as to the name of our candidate. On that issue we are 
today a reunited Democracy. All the allies, differing from 
us in name rather than faith, have declared for our gallant 
leader again. Every State and Territory has instructed its 
delegates to this convention to vote for him here; so it but 
remains for Nebraska to pronounce a name, that name has been 
thundered forth from the foot of Bunker Hill, and echoed back 
from Sierra's sunset slope, that has reverberated among the 
snow-capped, pine-clad hills of the north, and rises from the 
slumbering, flower-scented savannas of the south; and that 



Democratic Xatioxal Convention. 129 

name is the name of William Jennings Bryan, her best beloved 
son. 

(At the conclusion of Mr. Oldham's speech there was 
another wild demonstration, and an immense oil portrait of Mr. 
Bryan, about six feet by ten feet, was carried to the platform, 
and the standards of the several States again gathered around 
it. Airs. Cohen, the lady delegate from Utah, carried a beautiful 
silken banner, on which was inscribed : "Greeting to William J. 
Bryan, from the Women of Utah." It was some minutes be- 
fore the Chair was able to secure order.) 

The call of States was resumed. Arkansas yielded to Texas, 
and the Chair recognized Hon. A. B. Perkins of that State, 
who spoke as follows : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I thank the State of Ark- 
ansas for the honor that they have paid us by yielding their 
position to the State of Texas in seconding the nomination. 
Gentlemen of the convention, the Democracy of Texas comes to 
this convention desiring one thing only, and that is the election 
of William J. Bryan in November. To us this seems the para- 
mount thing to be desired. Today the issues on which the 
campaign of 1900 must be fought are made up. The platform 
adopted at Philadelphia and at Kansas City cannot alter them. 
To make those issues and act upon them, and these that are 
coming, demand true greatness in your candidate. For that 
the only foundation is true, open, honest, courageous man- 
hood. Without there may be superiority but no greatness. 
We love the man we advocate. He came and dwelt and mingled 
with our people. They watched him and studied him in the 
various relations of life. They found that he was endowed with 
manhood in a high degree. If they had not he would not have 
received the vote of Texas. They are old-fashioned and make 
this the first but not the only test. In intellectual culture, in the 
knowledge of the theory of our government and the details of 
its administration, in love for their country and patriotic devo- 
tion to its people they found that he was the peer of the greatest 
statesman of the best days of the Republic. They do not in- 
dulge in hero worship. But a hero's claims to greatness depend 
upon his past achievements. Besides, Texans do not follow any 
but those who from their deeds before the people are worthy 



130 Official Proceedings of the 

of being followed. The manliest man who goes forth to fight 
the battles of the people, whom they honor and whom they trust, 
and such a one is William Jennings Bryan. 

The hour demands such a man for the very theory upon 
which the Republic is founded is now called in question. The 
right of self-government is actually challenged. For him I 
pledge the unwavering Democracy of the State of Texas, 
which does now, and will in November, vote to sustain the 
Constitution and the flag which is the emblem of liberty. 

The Chair recognized ex-Senator White, of California, who 
spoke as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : I arise 
to second the nomination of the next President of the United 
States, William Jennings Bryan. I come as one not unac- 
customed to political conventions. I presided over two of the 
national conventions of my party and I tell you I have never 
seen displayed more magnificent, splendid and heartfelt en- 
thusiasm than that which controls this audience today. This 
is not an hour to seek applause. This is not a time when any 
man should seek to gain for himself the fleeting honor attending 
a political speech. We are in the presence of great national 
danger. We are dominated by those surrounded with power 
and with the habilaments of authority and those barriers which 
have heretofore protected the people have been swept away. 
Men honest in poverty have become dishonest in wealth, and 
nations which have lost their rights and their conscience in the 
presence of great success, have wandered from the paths of 
rectitude. To say just after the paeans of the Fourth of July have 
sounded let us soberly, truly and honestly reflect, regardless 
of political affiliations. We are now at the parting of the ways. 
The question of the day is republic or empire. It would do 
our people good to reflect upon the lessons of the day and 
read the inscription placed upon the sarcophagi which encloses 
the remains of George and Martha Washington. Take off your 
hats, my countrymen, as you pass by that shrine, and brush 
aside the habilaments of empire which you are promised by 
those in power. 

Fellow-citizens, delegates, there is no man who more 
thoroughly typifies the thoughts that I have uttered than 
William Jennings Bryan. He is not unjust. He is just. He 



Democratic National Convention. 131 

is not in favor of destruction. He is in favor of preservation. 
I know the sentiment of my countrymen, I believe, and I know 
or think I know they are prepared today to stand with him and 
to woo back to its glorious resting place that goddess, that true 
liberty, which we almost, at least, metaphorically, worship ; 
to which we, in truth, tender that tribute which man owns to 
liberty under that one just God whom we all worship. I stand 
here as an advocate of a man who is just, fearless and true; 
who is not a destroyer of capital, of enterprise, but an enemy 
of aggression and sordid power; who believes in fostering all 
legitimate industry; who believes in the open school house and 
the happy home ; who believes where the American flag floats 
there exists not only freedom, but guaranteed freedom, that 
freedom which shall not perish from the earth. I ask you 
without division to nominate that man for President of the 
United States, and appeal confidently to my countrymen to 
vindicate your glorious choice. 

When Colorado was called, Hon. A. T. Gunnell said : 

Mr. Chairman, the devotion of the young State of Colorado 
is so well known that she deferentially defers to me great State 
of Illinois. * 

The Chair recognized Judge O. P. Thompson, of Illinois, 
who addressed the convention as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : On be- 
half of the delegation from the State of Illinois, I second the 
nomination of Mr. Bryan for the Presidency. It is indeed to 
me a great privilege to have an opportunity to second his 
nomination, not alone for the reason that Illinois was his birth- 
place, nor yet for the reason that I come from the city of 
Jacksonville, where he was educated and where he spent the 
first year of his business life and the first year of his married 
life, but because, further, we who knew him then know him 
now to be the same plain, candid, frank, fearless man that he 
was before he became so distinguished a citizen. The Democ- 
racy of Illinois love him for his purity of character. We ad- 
mire him for his splendid ability. We respect him for his un- 
wavering honesty, and we have confidence in him because of his 
courage and consistency. With a courage sustained by an 
honest belief in the cause of the common people, he has borne 
the banner of Democracy since his defeat in 1896 as proudly 



132 Official Proceedings of the 

as ever chieftain bore the trophies of a well-earned victory. 
Therefore, the State of his birth seconds the nomination made 
by the gentleman from the State of his adoption. 

When Connecticut was called, Mr. William Kennedy, of 
that State, said : 

Mr. Chairman, Connecticut yields to that sterling Demo- 
crat of the State of New York, David Bennett Hill. 

Mr. Hill ascended the platform and was presented to the 
convention by the Chairman. 

Mr. Hill said : 
Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention : In behalf 
of the Democratic masses of the State of New York, for whom 
I assume to speak on this occasion, I second the nomination 
which has been made from the State of Nebraska. William J. 
Bryan does not belong to Nebraska alone; he belongs to the 
North and the South, to the East and the West ; he belongs to 
the whole country. It is a nomination which has already been 
made in the hearts and affections of the American people. 
From the closing of the polls four years ago until this very 
hour there never was a possibility of any other nomination be- 
ing made. 

He is a gentleman who needs no introduction to this audi- 
ence or to the American people. Nebraska is proud of him, but 
New York is proud of him also. For four years he has upheld 
the banner of Democracy in almost every State in this Union. 
His voice has been heard not only in behalf of our Democratic 
principles, but in behalf of the cause of the common people; 
in behalf of the working men ; in behalf of humanity. He will 
not only have the support of his party — a united party — but 
he will have the support of citizens of all parties. 

He is strong, strong with the masses ; strong with the 
farmer; strong with the artisan — stronger even than his own 
cause. His integrity has never been questioned during all the 
time that he has been under the gaze of the American people. 
His statesmanship has been exhibited in the halls of Congress. 
No others who have served during such a brief period in Con- 
gress have made such an impression upon the minds, and hearts 
and conscience of the American people. This convention meet- 
ing here today in this most beautiful city, surrounded by this 



Democratic National Convention. 133 

hospitable community, will indeed know itself in the nomination 
of this candidate. The cause he represents is peculiarly the 
cause of the people. His election will mean honesty and in- 
tegrity in public office. It will mean the amelioration of the 
people. It will mean the destruction of criminal trusts and. 
monopolies. It will mean economy and retrenchment in gov- 
ernment affairs ; it will mean the supremacy of the Constitution 
everywhere throughout this land wherever the flag floats. It 
'will mean a return to the approval of the principles of the 
Declaration of Independence. It will prove a blessing not only 
to those who vote for him, but to those who may vote against 
him. I, as you well know, was one of those who in good faith 
doubted the wisdom of some portions of the platform. Among 
other things I doubted the propriety of going into details as 
to portions of our financial policy, but the wisdom of this con- 
vention has determined otherwise, and I acquiesce loyally in 
the decision. 

I am here to say further that the platform which has been 
read, although not meeting my approval in some respects, is, 
as a whole, worthy of the vote of evefy man who claims to be 
a Democrat in this country. Those who do not entirely ap- 
prove some portions can well speak of others. If there are 
some issues which they do not desire tx> present as enthusiastic- 
ally as some others, they can at least find many things in this 
platform that are worthy of their hearty approval. 

It is believed that in some portions of this country the 
"paramount issue" is going to carry, and carry strongly. A 
word more. 

This is the time for unity and not for division. I plead this 
afternoon for party harmony and party success. I plead be- 
cause of the dangers which confront us. As sure as election 
day comes, if we should happen to be defeated, which I do not 
believe we will — if it should, however, occur, what will follow? 
Defeat means the restoration of a federal election law. It 
means a reduction of the apportionment of members of Con- 
gress throughout the Southern States of our Union. It means 
a consequent reduction in the vote of the electoral college from 
the Southern States. So, I am here to say that this is a most 
important election ; important for our party ; important for our 
country; important for the best interests of all our people. I 



134 Official Proceedings of the 

have no time now to analyze this platform. We are now spe- 
cially speaking of men and not of measures. This nomination 
will, I hope and trust, meet the approval based upon this plat- 
form, of the people of all sections of the country. What we 
, need is an old-fashioned rousing Democratic victory through- 
out this land. That victory will mean a restoration of the safe 
and stable currency of our fathers. That will mean home rule 
for States. That will mean popular government restored. 
That will mean the supremacy of equal laws through the coun- 
try, and in this great result, which we hope to achieve I am 
rejoiced to say in conclusion that New York expects to join 
her sister Democratic States with her thirty-six electoral votes. 

When the State of Delaware was called, Hon. John J. Gray, 
of that State, said : 

Delaware desires to recognize the initial courtesy of Ala- 
bama in yielding to the gentleman from Nebraska, and we are 
glad to be able to stand in like compliment to Alabama. 

The Chair recognized Mr. Tennent Lomax, of Alabama, 
who said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I feel deeply grateful to the 
State of Delaware for giving Alabama an opportunity of reg- 
istering her enthusiastic support of that ideal man who will be 
the nominee of this convention for President of the United 
States. I represent a Democracy that has never known defeat. 
I represent a Democracy that stands where Jackson stood, for 
the initial liberties of the people. And representing that 
Democracy, I urge upon you the nomination of this candidate 
for President because he stands for the money of the Constitu- 
tion. I urge the nomination upon you further because it typi- 
fies the principles of Jackson, and clings to all of those prin- 
ciples with the tenacity of a Jackson. I demand his nomination 
because, standing as he does, the embodied spirit of Jefferson — 
the incarnation of Jefferson — whose name represents and is 
symbolical of the Declaration of Independence, and who will 
bring our government back to the original principles of the 
Constitution, and who shall once more bring our government 
back to a government of the people, by the people and for the 
people. I name the most glorious Democrat in the splendid 
history of this Republic, William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska. 



Democratic National Convention. 135 

When Florida was called, the chairman of the Florida dele- 
gation announced that the State yielded to North Carolina. 

Hen. Walter B. Moore, of North Carolina, was recognized 
by the Chair and spoke as follows : 

Air. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : A cen- 
tury of Democracy is drawing to its close. It began with Jef- 
ferson and ends with Bryan, each chosen by his party as the 
ablest champion of popular rights. Air. Bryan, in his cam- 
paign, was defeated after a campaign of abuse, slander and 
villification, which was more glorious in defeat than his adver- 
saries in victory, has remained for these succeeding four years 
the foremost Democrat in America, and the recognized tribune 
of the people, and the logical and unanimous choice of his party 
for renomination. 

In an age when kings ruled by right divine and the plain 
people were regarded as little better than beasts of burden, 
Thomas Jefferson declared that all men were created free and 
equal, and that governments derived their just powers from the 
consent of the government. He was the necessary choice of 
Democracy and remained so until the principles which he advo- 
cated were embodied in government. In 1796 Jefferson was 
denounced as a theorist, a socialist, an anarchist and an atheist. 
In 1800 he was triumphantly elected to the Presidential chair. 
In an age when human liberty is bound by capital in chains 
stronger and more galling than slavery, when the divine right 
of money spreads its protective aegis over .trusts, plunder and 
robbery, William J. Bryan declared, ''You shall not press down 
this crown of thorns upon the brow of labor, you shall -not 
crucify mankind upon a cross of gold." He was the necessary 
choice of his party in 1896 for the Presidency, and he will re- 
main so until the principles which he advocates will be em- 
bodied in government. Four years ago he was defeated by the 
money changers who had polluted the temple of liberty, and 
those political decendants of the un-American imperialists who 
a century ago defeated Jefferson. History will repeat itself. 
Democracy, rising, stronger from defeat, will in 1900, as in 
1800, give its banner to its leader and bid Bryan, following in 
the footsteps of Jefferson, to complete the great work he has 
already so nobly begun. Time has silenced and truth has dis- 
proved the slanders and calumny which wrought his defeat 



136 * Official Proceedings of the 

four years ago. Thousands of his former opponents will now 
support him with enthusiasm. He has been in the calcium 
light of public scrutiny for four long years, but no enemy has 
found a weak place in his armor, and his friends have marveled 
at the wisdom of his words and the prudence of his deeds. 
With the genius and sagacity and spirit of Jefferson he has ever 
contended for individual liberty and public rights against spe- 
cial privileges and imperialism. With the strength and courage 
of Jackson he has waged a merciless war against the twin 
monsters of oppression — trusts and the robber tariff. Sir, I 
am proud to remember that four years ago, forty-eight hours 
before the meeting of the Democratic Convention in Chicago, 
North Carolina selected as its candidate for the Presidential 
nomination William J. Bryan, of Nebraska. We gave him our 
fealty and followed him with the tenacity of genuine tar-heels. 
Four times did the Democracy of North Carolina vote for Jef- 
ferson for President, and we will stick to Bryan until he is 
elected. We were first at the marriage feast before, and you 
may be assured we shall be present at the next marriage feast 
arrayed in the garments of triumphant Democracy. We made 
no mistake in our choice. Bryan is the best living embodi- 
ment of Democracy. With Jefferson and Jackson he completes 
a triumvirate of Democratic leaders. Like them, he is called to 
leadership after defeat, because like each of them, he is the best 
living representative of his party, and therefore the best hope of 
that party's victory. He is not influenced by the importunities 
of those who might advance his personal fortunes, but by the 
needs and just demands of those whom he can never know and 
who can never know him, who can never lend him personal 
assistance. In this equipment for the highest public service 
he measures up to the test of the great statesman, he is the 
idol of the plain people, and he is the champion of their rights, 
and they will elect him President of the United States. 

The chairman of the Georgia delegation announced that 
that State would yield to the Hon. John W. Daniel, of Virginia. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the National Democratic 
Convention : I have but few words to say and shall detain you 
but a few moments from the most pleasing duty, the crowning- 
event of this wonderful convention. On behalf of the unani- 
mous delegation from Virginia, and by command of the sov- 



Democratic National Convention. 137 

ereign people of that state, I second the nomination of one 
who would rather be right than to be President; One who is 
now right by the instinctive virtues of his own ennobling dis- 
cerning nature, and who will soon be President by the manly 
virtues of the xAmerican people. 

Let me remind you, my countrymen, that the present con- 
dition of our country is a vindication and illustration of the 
fundamental financial doctrine which we taught four years ago, 
which then was the voice of a divided Democracy, but which 
is now the voice of their union. The doctrine that the prices 
of all property was regulated by the volume of money, and 
we have witnessed by the naked eye the prices of produce in- 
creasing in this country as new coinage flowed into our own 
mint and as new paper was printed. So that as to funda- 
mental theory upon which we stand we behold the increase of 
industry in this land as its vindication. 

The Republican party of this country met not long since 
in the old historic city of Philadelphia, rich with the memorials 
and relics of the grandest intellectual and moral struggle for 
which heroes ever drew swords. They were there with these 
memorials before them. They were in the sight and under 
the shadow of old Independence Hall, but no voice fell from 
the lips of the Republican party which there sat that would re- 
mind the country of where they were, or that they had any 
memory of the great struggle that made us free. It was but 
natural, for they could not have repeated a single sentence 
from the Constitution of the United States with respect to 
their present conduct ; no, they could not have read the Declara- 
tion of Independence without everybody supposing that a satir- 
ist had gotten amongst them to ridicule their proceedings and 
to disturb the meeting. 

This day, my countrymen, marks a new epoch, not only in 
the history of the Democratic party, but a new epoch in the 
history of America. Yea, it turns over a new page in the his- 
tory of the world and proclaims the Democracy as the greatest 
of all world powers for the proclamation and steady defense of 
the bed-rock principles of American liberty and independence. 
I am happy to meet you here where the fruits of constitutional 
Democratic, intellectual, political and material expansion are 



138 Official Proceedings of the 

all around you. Here upon the soil of this mighty territory 
stretching from the Father of Waters to the Golden Gate, 
which Jefferson took away from the empire of Napoleon to 
dedicate to freedom and to protest in the name of that grand 
history that we shall take no part of this earth's territory from 
freedom and put it under an empire called the United States 
of Europe, Asia, Africa and anywhere else that we can fasten 
upon. I was glad to read in that open manuscript which marks 
the fruits of human toil the places that our prosperity has 
come from. It has come from your busy workshops, from your 
fertile soil, and above all from the brain and the brawn of men 
who have tasted the sweets of human freedom and who today 
send their message of lofty cheer to every human soul all over 
God's green earth, and hold up to his lips the cup which they 
have enjoyed and which they would love to dispense to all 
humanity. 

But why should I detain you? The people have already 
nominated, and we do now nominate a man who is a faithful, 
noble, clear expositor of the American Constitution, a man 
who is honest in all that he has done and in all that he will do. 
We nominate a man who has no sense of fear, for the derision 
of others who may point at him the finger of scorn, but who 
knows that he is thrice armed who hath his quarrel just, and 
that his strength is as the strength of ten because his heart 
is pure. We nominate one whose name is cherished in your 
hearts, and will be spoken in your votes ; who is today the fore- 
most citizen on the soil of Democratic expansion, and who will 
become on November next not only the foremost citizen in 
moral and intellectual grandeur, but the foremost citizen and 
chief magistrate of a country in which all the people love and 
confide in him, and in which every man knows that he will re- 
ceive from him justice without price. 

The Chair recognized Hon. G. V. Menzies, of Indiana, who 
addressed the convention as follows: 

Gentlemen of the Convention : On behalf of the State of 
Indiana I promise you that my remarks shall at least have the 
virtue of brevity, on the paramount issue of the campaign as 
declared by this convention, and that our great leader, William 
J. Bryan, the Democracy of Indiana in November, confident of 



Democratic National Convention. 139 

victory, exultant with hope, will sweep that State from Lake 
Michigan to the Ohio River. When the trembling wires on the 
6th of November, 1900, flash the election news over this coun- 
try, it will be that Indiana has given its fifteen electoral votes 
to William J. Bryan. On behalf of the Democracy of the gal- 
lant Hoosier State, I second the nomination of William J. 
Bryan. 

Mr. Overmeyer, of Kansas, on being recognized by the 
Chair, said: On behalf of Kansas, I say to you that Kansas 
will speak through her most eloquent son. I have great honor 
in presenting to you John H. Atwood, of Kansas. Mr. At- 
wood said : 

Who says we shall fail ? Who thinks we shall fail ? Who 
doubts the cause of the people or the success of Democracy 
when on one platform, in one day, appears as their champion, 
Webster Davis and David Bennett Hill? When the paeans 
of praise of the words that they have spoken is swelled by the 
voice of Democracy from rim to rim of the whole continent, 
from Atlantic States, and the strong voice of Tammany, too. 

Why are they here ? Why do they speak ? They speak for 
the exaltation and the uplifting of that man who votes in 
Nebraska but whose home is all America. He is brave and he 
is pure, and so the trusts fear him, for in dealing with men in 
official life they meet only with the weak or with the wicked, 
with the cowards or the capricious. In the man we love, in 
the man whom we honor, you will recognize the man who has 
at once courage and a conscience. The trusts fear him, for like 
every beast of prey, they know their natural enemies. The 
rattle snake and the prairie dog lie down undisturbed and 
neither of them fear the scurrying of the coyote, but when the 
foot of man is heard then the rattle snake will sound his signal 
of alarm and is in battle array, and so it is with the trusts of 
this country. They are undisturbed and undismayed by the 
flutter of an owl like McKinley or by the harmless chattering 
of a prairie dog like their Vice Presidential nominee. They 
are undisturbed even by the howl of the wolf like Hanna. But 
whenever they hear the footfall of a man like him who is our 
leader then millions are amassed to accomplish his defeat. Ah, 
my friends, arrayed at his back are the millions of the American 
people who are so magnificently represented here today. Brave 



H° Official Proceedings of the ' 

do I call him, aye, brave enough to acknowledge truth when 
found on the lips of any man and brave enough to rebuke wrong 
whether flaunting itself in high places or groveling in low. As 
the chief of this nation and its greatest citizen he will not seek 
to slay the man who' is struggling for his liberty, whether that 
man be the brown man of the Philippines or the white man of 
the Transvaal. Ah, my friends, the gods never saw in all of 
the time that has passed a crime so black and bloody as is being 
wrought out today on the veldts and plains of South Africa. 
Great words have come thundering to us down the colon- 
nades of time. The old guard of Napoleon said when asked 
to surrender, "The old guard dies, but it never surrenders.''' 
Lawrence, on his sinking ship and in his dying hour, said, 
"Don't give up the ship." There is now, my friends, an- 
other legend and another saying. They are the words of dig- 
nity and strength, which were uttered by that rugged old 
burgher, Oom Paul, when he said, "The Transvaal shall be a 
republic or it shall be a grave." 

And when our leader is clothed with the power of eighty 
millions of people when he grasps the scepter of power and 
reigns as the people's tribune at Washington, another legend 
will be added to the heroic words of history, and those words 
shall be, "Tyrants, stop ! British Empire, stay your hand ! 
America will not sit quietly by and see the death of the only 
Republics that are like our own!" And that is all that will be 
required. The ipse dixit, the word of America will be enough. 
And not only will the victory of Democracy next fall mean the 
rehabilitation of all the principles that we love. It will mean 
the salvation of the cause of liberty throughout the world. Is 
it any wonder that we ask you to do what you are going to do, 
vote for Bryan? 

Kentucky yielded to Louisiana, and Hon. H. C. Fouquet 
spoke for that State, saying : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention: On be- 
half of the loyal Democracy of Louisiana, I come to very briefly 
lay their tribute at the feet of the great commoner. For four 
years there has stood forth one who has championed the cause 
of the people as it has never been championed before. Stand- 
ing in the broad open light of day, speaking a language that 
all can understand, a target for all the criticism, all the abuse 



Democratic National Convention. 141 

that corporate wealth could hurl against him, he has come forth 
from out the contest of 1896 a victor in defeat. And why, my 
countrymen? The answer comes straight and quick to the 
lips of mankind. Because truth crushed to earth will rise 
again, because the chords of the human heart will ever render 
back music at the touch of truth. Justice will be defeated? 
Who says that lies in the face of the gods. She is immutable, 
immaculate and immortal, and though all the guilty globe 
should blaze and burn, she would soar above the funeral pyre 
with not a downy feather ruffled by its fierceness. Gentlemen, 
inspired by such a sentiment, intrenched in the heart of human- 
ity, fortified by the respect, the love and the affection of the 
masses of the people; armed with the sword of truth, defended 
by the priceless shield of incorruptibility, this great, strong 
man has fought the fight, is fighting the fight ; has kept the 
faith, is keeping the faith ; and we come today to say to those 
who bow down and worship at the shrine of the almighty 
dollar as the summit m bonum of human aspiration, to those 
who would set aside and trample upon the best traditions and 
the highest ideals of our government, to those who would 
strike down individual liberty and its consequent opportunities, 
to those who would carve an empire out of the Republic, to cor- 
ruption in high places under whatever guise, that there has 
stood and there stands today a lion across the path in the per- 
son of the unchallenged leader of the Democracy, William J. 
Bryan. 

There was no response from the State of Maine. 

Hon. Blair Lee was recognized by the Chair and spoke for 
the State of Maryland as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : The Republican 
papers, unable to appreciate how a convention, a political con- 
vention, can possibly represent the people, has seen today that 
we have a boss. They are right, fellow citizens. The Demo- 
cratic party is controlled by the wishes of the people of Amer- 
ica, and the people of America have directed the nomination of 
William Jennings Bryan. The days of canting praises have 
passed, the day of truthful platforms has arrived. The names 
of Jefferson and of Jackson are no longer catchwords to orna- 
ment meaningless platforms, but the people know as an actu- 
ality what were the liberal principles that Jefferson enunciated 



142 Official Proceedings of the 

and they realize the gigantic monopoly of money that Jackson 
overthrew. They recognize that Nicholas Biddle of that time 
was the Hanna of that time, and they recognize that Bryan is 
the Jackson of today. Democracy is of the heart as well as of the 
head. It was a favorite saying of Old Hickory that no man 
could be a true Democrat who did not have a good heart; and 
who can forget that the universities of England always opposed 
the progress of constitutional government? Mr. Bryan is a 
Democrat not because he says so, not because of his giant in- 
tellect, but because the instincts of his heart will not permit 
him to remain impassive when the interests, of humanity are at 
stake. 

The issue of today is "robbery"; shall it be crushed out? 
The man of the hour is one whose courage can not be daunted, 
whose honor can not be bought. Pirates who ravage a coast 
from without would menace a country less than those who take 
the property of the people by unlawful combinations from 
within. The Republican party tempts us to found a slave 
empire in the Pacific because it has become the party of silent 
pillage at home. The conditions under which our institutions 
were founded show to the Christian mind the hand of the 
Most Highest riding into a form of government — the law. 
Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. The Constitution of 
America stands on the divine right of humanity. 

Now, for Maryland. The American historian, Fiske, tells 
us that of all the thirteen colonies only one colony had men 
who time and again, charging with the bayonet, broke and 
routed the lines of the trained English infantry. The regular 
Democracy of Maryland, animated with the courage of their 
sires, are ready to charge the line of the modern tory who 
would tie the destiny of America to the imperial power of 
England. We unite in seconding the nomination of the man 
whose name and nature inspires patriotism in us, and will do 
so in the breasts of our countrymen, William Jennings Bryan, 
of Nebraska. 

Mr. Goggin, of Massachusetts, seconded the nomination of 
Mr. Bryan in behalf of that State, as follows: 

Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gentlemen: At this late 
hour T come here but to say a few words in behalf of the old 
State of Massachusetts. At least, we have proved here today, 



Democratic National Convention. 143 

meeting in convention, that we still have the right to exercise 
the right of free speech. We have in this convention no trium- 
virate composed of Hanna, Piatt and Quay to dictate what may 
be the action of the delegates in this convention. Coming, as 
I do, from Massachusetts, the State which has in it Bunker 
Hill, Faneuil Hall, the Old South Church, I am here, ladies 
and gentlemen, to say but one word, and that is to second in 
behalf of Massachusetts the nomination of William J. Bryan. 
Mr. Barkworth of Michigan spoke for that State, saying : 
Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention : I should 
not detain you a moment if I did not feel that I had a message 
which I ought to bring to you, and I assure you that I shall 
make my speech very brief. I was a member of the Committee 
on Plaform, and I had hoped that my distinguished friend, 
Senator Daniel, of Virginia, would have brought you a mes- 
sage from that committee. We spent the day, nearly yester- 
day, all the night and the greater portion of today in a fraternal 
and intelligently discriminative study of the platform, which 
we have laid before you, and there have been from within the 
committee rcom rumors and they have been treated by our 
opponents in a manner to endeavor to create the impression 
that there were differences and that the sting of defeat was 
resting not lightly upon some of us. But I want to say to you 
that our opponents would make a mistake if they rely upon 
them. There was not a member of that committee who came 
away from that committee room without inspiration which 
they will take with them into the campaign, and which will be 
productive of results ere the ides of November shall come. A 
body of men which made me feel proud that I was a Democrat 
and thankful to my delegation for the privilege of being per- 
mitted to act with them, constituted that committee, and I want 
to say to you that whilst we had differences they were differ- 
ences of the head, and the union of the heart was just as in- 
tense as could possibly exist between men. And I want, in 
conclusion, gentlemen of the convention, to say to you that it 
is because our distinguished candidate represents the heart of 
American humanity that he is strong. He is the crystallized 
essence of the love of men applied through the life of man, 
and I say to you now that as the attraction of gravitation draws 
earthly particles to each other, so the attraction of humanity 






144 Official Proceedings of the 

has drawn around him a body of men whose mass will con- 
tinue by accretions to grow larger. We have seen in the ex- 
ample of the distinguished citizen of Missouir, Mr. Webster 
Davis, an instance of that accretion today, and it will go on, 
sir, until the great mass of the American people, believing in 
accordance with the doctrine of the good word, with the heart 
and not with the head, will work out the salvation of the 
American people from all the political, social and industrial ills 
that beset us. The apostle of that creed is William Jennings 
Bryan, whose nomination I second. 

When the State of Mississippi was called, the chairman of 
that delegation said : 

Mr. Chairman, if there is anything that delights a Missis- 
sippi Democrat mOre than another, it is to vote. I desire, there- 
fore, to hasten that opportunity and not to speak. 

A delegate from New Hampshire announced that his State 
seconded the nomination of Bryan. 

New Jersey also seconded the nomination. 

When New York was called, Hon. Edward Murphy arose 
in his place and announced that the great State of New York 
joined in seconding the nomination of Bryan. 

The States of New Jersey, North Carolina and North Da- 
kota all announced that they seconded the nomination of Bryan. 

When Ohio was called the Chair recognized Hon. William 
A. Baker, of that State, who spoke at the request of Nebraska. 
He said : 

Mr. Chairman: The Democracy of Ohio in this hour of 
supreme moment and victory, seconds the nomination of Wil- 
liam J. Bryan for President of the United States. 

For this disciple as well as apostle of the people, that high 
and historic place, honored since the day dawn of the republic 
by statesmen, by orators, by warriors, by right of ever attribute 
of greatness, becomes him and befits him. 

The hopes, the aspirations, the fears, the deadly earnestness 
of the quickened and quickening conscience of the American 
people, demand — nay, command a leader whose name shall 
stand a synonym for justice and for truth. He stands for con- 
science and he stands for liberty. He believes as he believes 
his Bible, that all mankind are and of right ought to be free. 
He believes in the right to liberty of the alien races lying help- 



Democratic Xatioxal Convention. 145 

less and prostrate at our feet, even now stripped and plundered 
as not by the rapacity of the Spaniard. He believes in the 
dignity of labor, to uplift it and to crown it, and to make it 
forever free from oppressive and unwarranted burdens. 

He believes in the equality of money, gold and silver, and 
the uses for it, free from the private clutch and advantage of 
those who make it merchandise. He believes in the freedom of 
business and business enterprise unvexed by the all-devouring 
greed of trusts. 

For these — for previous liberty, trumpet-tongued, the voice 
of Bryan, with the ring in it of Liberty Bell that rang out clear 
and full and forever the independence of our forefathers more 
than a century ago, the voice and soul of Bryan shall live in 
the answering echoes that will cry aloud from State to State 
as they record triumphant responses in the verdict of the people. 

It is high time, and the time is now, when the people in 
their majesty may go to battle with no other platform save the 
Declaration of Independence and the Ten Commandments. 
That all men are born free and equal, and that to nations as 
well as to men it was said, "Thou shalt not covet'"' and "Thou 
shalt not steal." 

Planted upon this rock of ages the Democratic party in all 
these gathered States and Territories will go forth to blessed 
battle under his gallant and glorious and knightly leadership, 
as we lift him aloft in our hearts and scribe his name on our 
banners, with the thundering invocation that is our war cry of 
victory : 

He has sounded forth the trumpet 
That shall never call retreat; 

He is sifting out the hearts of men 
Before His judgment seat, 
Oh, be swift, my soul, to answer Him, 

Be jubilant, my feet, 

For His name is marching on. 

Governor Patterson was recognized by the Chair and spoke 
in behalf of Pennsylvania as follows : 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention : Penn- 
sylvania's excuse for detaining you at this hour is because of 
her enthusiasm in the work of this convention. The voice of 



146 Official Proceedings of the 

the people has already made this nomination. This convention 
has simply confirmed the sentiments of the people from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific. Pennsylvania already and at all times 
is upon the firing line in every contest of the Democracy. 

I stand here representing 450,000 Democrats. The senti- 
ments of Democracy were first inculcated in the colonial gov- 
ernment of Pennsylvania when its founder declared that land's 
capacity of self-government. I am here now seconding the 
nomination of one who believes and whose every fiber vibrates 
with the doctrine of individual liberty and man's capacity for 
self-government. Never before in all the political history 
of this country was there a more important contest. The people 
are to determine whether they shall be restored to their own 
or not, whether this government shall be made a government 
of the few against the many, and in seconding the nomination 
of- the honored name of William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska. 
We have the utmost that a government of the people, by the 
people and for the people will again be restored. 

Rhode Island and South Carolina both seconded the nomina- 
tion of Mr. Bryan. When Tennessee was called Governor 
Benton McMillan of that State, said : 

Mr. Chairman: On behalf of a State that has furnished 
three great Presidents to the United States, I am instructed by 
the delegation to second the nomination of that man who is the 
real tribune of the people, who has never cringed before power, 
who has never pandered to prejudice, who is as brave as An- 
drew Jackson, who is as eloquent as Cicero, and who is as 
patriotic as George Washington, William J. Bryan. 

Hon. T. W. Maloney, of Vermont, spoke for Vermont, 
saying: 

Mr. Chairman: The old Green Mountain State of Ver- 
mont was the first in the East to give a majority of the vote 
of her delegation to William Jennings Bryan at Chicago, and 
the representatives of her Democracy in this convention are 
proud again to second his nomination. 

Washington and West Virginia seconded the nomination 
in turn. 

Hon. Louis Bomerich responded when the State of Wis- 
consin was called. Mr. Bomerich said : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention: As a 



Democratic National Convention. 147 

representative of the Democracy of the State of Wisconsin 
and coming from that sturdy class of Americans who proudly 
trace their ancestry into the historic valleys of music, litera- 
ture and love for human right and liberty, Wisconsin seconds 
the nomination of the Thomas Jefferson of today, William Jen- 
nings Bryan. 

We are told, my friends, that the State of Wisconsin is 
almost four-fifths of German origin in its population. It is for 
this reason that we are especially grateful to you for the noble 
principles enunciated in your platform. We are aware of the 
history of our race, in its struggle throughout the centuries for 
human rights and liberty. We are also aware of the assault 
by the Republican party upon those holy rights of many. We 
are cognizant of the fact that the Star Spangled Banner was 
hauled down from the rock of American humanity, liberty and 
justice, and placed upon the sand-hills of English conquest, 
plunder and subjugation; and when you tell us that the great 
mass of German- Americans will, when we face the issues, stop 
to consider a money question, then I will say to you, you do 
not know that race. And in conclusion, I speak to you the 
words of the greatest of the German-Americans, the great 
Carl Schurz, who has sounded the keynote when he said, "There 
is no price which can be paid which is too dear for the defeat 
of imperialism." 

The State of Wyoming and the Territories of Alaska and 
Arizona each seconded the nomination of Mr. Bryan. 

When the district of Columbia was called, Hon. Charles W. 
Slater responded. He said : 

Mr. Chairman : The Democracy of the District of Colum- 
bia came here to this convention to take part in its proceedings. 
While we have not a vote in the election of the President, we 
shall cast our vote here for the one man who can save this 
country for the masses, for humanity and for justice, and we 
therefore cast our vote for the Hon. William Jennings Bryan, 
of Nebraska. 

Oklahoma and Indian Territory both seconded the nomina- 
tion of Mr. Bryan. 

When the Territory of Hawaii was called, Hon. John H. 
Wise took the platform and said : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : The 



148 Official Proceedings of the 

delegates from Hawaii have traveled over four thousand miles 
to attend this convention. Last night a delegate from Hawaii 
cast a vote for the sixteen to one issue. What else do you 
expect then from Hawaii ? We come here, therefore, to nomi- 
nate that greatest of Americans, towering head and shoulders 
over all this continent; the man who was brave enough to 
stand up according to his principles. That man, gentlemen, 
is the man we nominate ; and, gentlemen, if we were only a 
State we would do more for that peerless American, William 
Jennings Bryan. 

Mrs. Elizabeth M. Cohan, the lady delegate from Utah, 
was escorted to the platform by Senator Rawlins of that State. 

She was introduced by Chairman Richardson, who said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : You have before you one 
of the delegates from the State of Utah. When that State was 
called, true to her sex, she was too modest to present herself. 
I now take pleasure in presenting this delegate, Mrs. Cohen, 
from Utah. 

Mrs. Cohen was greeted with a great round of applause. 
She said : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : On be- 
half of "the State of Utah, I desire to second the nomination of 
that grand and noble exemplar of all that is good and holy in 
domestic and political life, Hon. William Jennings Bryan. 
And the Democrats of Utah pledge 25,000 majority for Mr. 
Bryan in November. 

The Chair : The Secretary will now call the roll of States, 
and as each State is called, the chairman of the delegation will 
please arise in his place and announce the vote. 

The Secretary then called the roll of States with the follow- 
ing result : 

FIRST AND ONLY BALLOT FOR PRESIDENT. 

States. Total Vote. Bryan. 

Alabama 22 22 

Arkansas 16 16 

California 18 t8 

Colorado 8 8 

Connecticut 12 12 

Delaware 6 6 



Democratic National Convention. 149 

Florida 8 8 

Georgia 26 26 

Idaho . 6 6 

Illinois . . 48 48 

Indiana 30 30 

Iowa 26 26 

Kansas 20 20 

Kentucky 26 26 

Louisiana 16 16 

Maine 12 12 

Maryland 16 16 

Massachusetts 30 30 

Michigan 28 28 

Minnesota 18 18 

Mississippi 18 18 

Missouri 34 34 

Montana 6 6 

Nebraska 16 16 

Nevada 6 6 

New Hampshire 8 8 

New Jersey 20 20 

New York 72 J2 

North Carolina 22 22 

North Dakota 6 6 

Ohio 46 46 

Oregon 8 8 

Pennsylvania . 64 • 64 

Rhode Island 8 8 

South Carolina 18 18 

South Dakota .8 8 

Tennessee 24 24 

Texas 30 30 

Utah 6 6 

Vermont 8 8 

Virginia 24 24 

Washington 8 8 

West Virginia 12 12 

Wisconsin 24 24 

Wyoming 6 6 

Alaska 6 6 



150 Official Proceedings of the 

Arizona 6 6 

District of Columbia 6 6 

New Mexico 6 6 

Oklahoma 6 6 

Indian Territory 6 6 

Hawaii 6 6 

Totals 936 936 

The Chair : There have been cast 936 votes ; necessary for 
a choice, 624. William Jennings Bryan has received 936 votes, 
and I declare him the unanimous choice of this convention as 
its nominee for President of the United States. (When the 
Chairman announced the result of the ballot the delegates and 
audience again broke out with applause, which lasted several 
minutes.) 

At 8 :55 p. m., on motion of Hon. J. G. Johnson, of Kansas, 
the convention adjourned until 10 130 a. m., July 6th. 



THIRD DAY. 



MORNING SESSION. 



Kansas City, July 6th, 1900. 

The convention was called to order by Chairman Richard- 
son at 10:47 a - m -> wno said: 

The Convention will now open with prayer by the Rev. 
Henry H. Meyer, of the Jewish Temple, Kansas City. Will 
the delegates please rise? 

PRAYER. 

Oh, our heavenly father, father, too, of all mankind, Thou 
who art nigh unto all who call upon Thee in truth, we invoke 
Thy name today with the thrill and the thrall upon us of stir- 
ring scenes and strong emotions, that we may produce before 
Thee the conviction of our hearts that unless Thou art with us 
we labor in vain. 

Thou art sovereign over us in life and in eternity. We 
thank Thee for the many worthy men Thou hast raised up in 
leadership over us. Oh, bless them. Bless all who work 
for the establishment of wise government and just laws. Make 
us to rejoice in the spread of truth and justice. Make us to 
perceive more and more our duties towards those who stretch 
forth their helpless hands in piteous appeal for succor, as we are 
all the common children of a common father. May every good 
enterprise that confronts us be carried forward to the glory of 
Thy cause. May we be free from bigotry and all bitterness of 
feeling towards those who hold opinions that clash with ours. 
May loyalty to liberty be counted unto us and to all men of 



152 Official Proceedings of the 

righteousness so long as we desire to defend the right and to 
defy the wrong. Let not prejudice or intolerance enfold us, 
but let our powers be directed against wickedness and wrong, 
and not against bondmen in ignorance and error, but against 
falsehood and sin, wherever it exists. Thou, oh Lord, hast 
lifted up our ensign unto all nations from afar, that it may be 
seen from all the ends of the earth, and, behold, it cometh with 
speed and safety. May the spirit of love and kindness rule 
everywhere, and may there be none weary of doing Thy will. 
We ask this for the sake of Thy name, Amen ! 

The Chair — Gentlemen of the Convention: On yesterday 
afternoon the Convention ordered that we proceed to nominate 
candidates for President and Vice-President. Nominations 
for Vice-President are now in order. The secretary will call 
the roll of states. 

The secretary proceeded with the roll call. 
When Arkansas was reached, Hon. Jefferson Davis of that 
state announced that Arkansas desired to yield to the state 
of Illinois for the purpose of allowing her to place in nomina- 
tion the name of Adlai E. Stevenson. 

The chair recognized Hon. James R. Williams of Illinois, 
who spoke as follows : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Illinois 
is grateful to Arkansas for this evidence of her kind regard. 
The united Democracy of Illinois desires to present to this 
convention for the next Vice-President of the United States 
a Democrat. One who drew his first breath from the pure 
Democratic atmosphere of Old Kentucky. One baptized 
in the great and growing Democracy of Illinois. One 
who has stood squarely on every Democratic platform since he 
became a voter. One who has twice represented in Congress a 
district overwhelmingly Republican. One who is not a 
rough rider but a swift rider. Not a warrior, but a 
statesman. A man who stands for civil government against 
military rule. A man who believes that a President of the 
United States who would lower the Constitution to raise the 
flag, respects an empire's glory far more than he loves the 
Republic. A man who believes American despotism is no 
better than any other despotism. A man who places human % 



Democratic National Convention. 153 

blood above human greed. A man who would not trade 
away the precious life of an American boy for a nugget of 
gold in the Philippine Islands. A man who would not give 
the 3,000 or 3,500 brave American soldiers which McKinley 
has already sacrificed in that hotbed of disease and destruction 
for all the islands in all the seas. A man who during four 
years of faithful administration as First Assistant Postmaster- 
General of the United States demonstrated to the country that 
he knows a Republican when he sees him in an office that be- 
longs to a Democrat. Nominate our man, and you will not 
have to explain any speeches made against Democracy, for he 
has never made any kind but Democratic. A man in the full 
strength of his manhood, able to canvass every State in the 
Union. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, Illinois makes no exaggera- 
tion when she tells you that in that great state the conditions are 
far better, the prospects are much brighter for Democracy 
than in 1892, when our candidate for Vice-President carried 
it by 30,000 majority. We have a State ticket stronger than 
we ever had before. We have but one Democracy in Illinois. 
We voice the sincere sentiment of the Democracy of Illinois 
from one end of that state to the other, when we ask you to 
nominate a man whose name we will present, a man who has 
been tried, gone through the contest, and no weak spots found 
in his armor; a man whose high character and ability recom- 
mend him to the people in every state of this Republic ; a man 
who possesses all the noble attributes of a noble man, great 
enough and good enough to be President of the United States, 
with a platform that reads like a Bible, and with these two 
able, faithful Democrats standing together, shoulder to shoul- 
der, we can sweep criminal aggression and McKinley hypocrisy 
off of the face of the earth. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, we now present to vou as 
the choice of the united Democracy of our state that distin- 
guished statesman, that splendid, vigorous, reliable Democrat, 
ex- Vice-President Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois. 

The roll call was proceeded with. When Colorado was 
reached the chairman of that delegation asked that they be 
passed for the time being. 

The chairman of the Connecticut delegation announced 



154 Official Proceedings of the 

that Connecticut would yield to the State of Minnesota. Hon. 
Leonard A. Rosing was recognized by the chair and spoke as 
follows : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : I desire 
first to acknowledge the gracious courtesy of Connecticut in 
yielding to Minnesota at this time. I want to extend my per- 
sonal thanks to the gentlemen of that delegation. 

I am proud to be privileged to respond here to the proud 
name of Minnesota. The Democracy of the North Star State 
as a candidate for Vice-President to submit to the sober judg- 
ment of this convention. A man worthy of the high honor to 
be placed upon the same ticket with the splendid champion of 
equal rights, whom you have nominated for Vice-President. 
We Democrats of Minnesota feel that we have earned the right 
to participate actively and effectively in the national councils 
of the Democratic party. For more than forty years the Dem- 
ocracy of Minnesota has wandered in the wilderness, previous 
to the campaign of 1898, but as a result of the great contest 
of 1896 and because of the splendid accessions to our ranks in 
that memorable campaign we entered the fight of 1898 more 
aggressively and more powerfully than ever before and by the 
aid of that gallant band of men who, by their courage, their 
truth and their abiding convictions of right, determined to 
sever their connections with the party they had fought with in 
the past, and by their splendid numbers coming to our ranks, 
the victory of Minnesota of 1898 was made possible, and for 
the first time in forty years our party placed a Democratic gov- 
ernor in the chair. The man who perhaps was called upon to 
sacrifice more than any one else and more than any other was 
called upon to lay upon the sacrifical altar a brilliant ambition, 
a man who had the magnificent courage to sever his political 
and personal ties of friendship in order that he might be true 
to his ideas of Americanism, is the man who Minnesota presents 
to you today for your consideration. 

Not because he is from Minnesota, but because he is of the 
people ; not because he is a product of the Northwest, but be- 
cause he is an American; not because he stands for any one 
issue, but because he stands for all the issues that mean the 
preservation of American institutions. We ask your sup- 
port for him because he is a Democrat that supports the 



Democratic National Convention. 155 

Democratic ticket and Democratic candidates. We ask 
your support for him because although he may not be a 
Democrat by ancestry he is a Democrat by conviction. We 
ask your support for him because he is a Democrat of Jeffer- 
sonian principles, a Democrat of the stern school of Andrew 
Jackson, a Democrat of the broad philosophy and humanity 
of Abraham Lincoln, a Democrat in defense of the flag of the 
Union and in believing that where the flag may be carried the 
people over whom it floats are entitled to the protection of the 
Constitution. We ask your support for our candidate, not 
because he is rich in this world's goods, not because his nomina- 
tion would mean contributions, but because a beneficent God has 
endowed him with an eloquent tongue, a brilliant mind, a splen- 
did courage, a true, big heart, and all the qualities of American 
manhood. We ask your support for Minnesota's able states- 
man, orator and patriot, and I now have the honor to place in 
formal nomination by instruction of the unanimous votes of 
the Democrats of Minnesota, in convention assembled, a leader 
of the people, Charles A. Towne. 

The chair recognized Gov. Thomas of Colorado, who spoke 
as follows : 

Gentlemen and fellow delegates : The work of this conven- 
tion from the hour of its commencement to the present time 
will commend itself to the favorable judgment of a majority 
of the American people. If your further deliberations shall be 
characterized by the wisdom you have already displayed there 
can be no question as to the verdict of popular sentiment in 
November. You are at present about to select a candidate for 
Vice-President. Your nominee in all respects should measure 
up to the full stature. 

My friends it is not in this convention, inspired and in- 
fluenced by the enthusiasm of the nominent, that the great battle 
of 1900 is to be fought and won, but in this nation from the At- 
lantic to the Pacific, from British Columbia to the Gulf of 
Mexico, after this gathering shall have perished, by appeal to 
reason and sentiment, to patriotism and to courage, that our 
great issue is to be won, if won at all. I am here to-day to lift 
my voice in behalf of a man who stands to the full measure 
of our candidate for President, whose voice, whether he shall 
be chosen or rejected, will be heard in every State of the Union ; 



156 Official Proceedings of the 

whose influence is as extensive as that of our splendid leader ; 
whose eloquence gilds truth with power and beauty, and who 
has signified his devotion to the great cause of modern Dem- 
ocracy, by his enthusiastic support of its principles and its can- 
didates since adoption of the platform of 1896. Yesterday the 
great Senator from New York (Hill) called our attention to the 
necessity of unity and harmony as the essentials of this cam- 
paign. My friends, if ever there was a time when unity and 
harmony were absolutely necessary, the day and the hour has 
arrived. It is indispensable to our triumph, and every man and 
every woman whose heart beats in unison with the platform 
read here yesterday should be brought into line for the support 
of that platform and its candidates. This can be effected by 
the nomination of a ticket that appeals to the hearts and the 
consciences of every lover of this country. 

If devotion to Democratic principles be significant, if con- 
stant effort to secure this supremacy at all times, and under all 
circumstances, constitutes Democracy, then is Charles A. 
Towne, of Minnesota, a Democrat. 

I recall the fact that four years ago it was his great speech 
in behalf of bi-metallic money, on the floor of the House of 
Representatives, that became a household document, and a 
household word for twenty millions of American people. 
That it supplied strength, and courage and conviction 
to every earnest but doubting follower in that great contest. 
I recall that wherever in that campaign the battle was thickest 
and the fight was fiercest there stood this gallant son of Minne- 
sota firmly maintaining the right, speaking and working and 
toiling in behalf of William J. Bryan, and the cause for which 
he fought. 

It is said that Mr. Towne is not a Democrat. My friends, 
I do not care, so far as I am individually concerned, what the 
man who supports our ticket calls himself ; be he Jew or Gentile, 
black or white, native or foreign-born, Republican or Democrat, 
if he believes in and stands for the great underlying principles 
of Democracy, he is of us, and cannot be against us. If loyalty 
to our cause, and unceasing effort for its triumph constitutes 
the test of Democracy, then is Charles A. Towne a true and 
tested Knight of militant Democracy. He is the good right 
arm of our Presidential nominee. What Ney was to Napoleon ; 



Democratic Xatioxal Convention. 157 

what Melancton was to Luther ; what Ireton was to Crom- 
well; what Sherman was to Grant, that is Charles A. Towne, 
of Minnesota to William J. Bryan, of Nebraska. One word 
more, and I am done. It is said that in this nomination geo- 
graphical conditions should be considered. This great states- 
man belongs to no locality. His horizon is too large for the 
limitations for any commonwealth. He belongs to the Nation. 
He is ready to cast his gauntlet at the feet of the so-called 
hero of San Juan, and defy him to political combat through 
the length and breadth of this country. It is as far from Lin- 
coln to Duluth as it is from Canton to New York. As a candi- 
date he has every physical and intellectual equipment its de- 
mands require, and geographical conditions are immaterial. 
Place him by the side of William J. Bryan upon our ticket, 
and their like will not be seen for another generation. 

I am through, gentlemen. I present, and second the nomin- 
ation of Charles A. Towne. 

When the State of Delaware was called, the Chairman of 
that delegation arose in his place and announced that Delaware 
yielded to Senator Grady, of New York. Senator Grady was 
recognized by the chair. He said : 

Mr. Chairman : On behalf of the united Democracy of 
New York, I present to this convention as a candidate for 
Vice-President, the name of David B. Hill. (Here there was 
a general outburst of applause which prevented Senator Grady 
from continuing. It was twelve minutes before the chair could 
obtain order so that the speaker could proceed.) 

The representatives of the Democratic party of New York 
recognize their responsibility to the Democracy of the Nation, 
and believe they appreciate the expectation of the Democracy 
of the Union in the presentation of this honored name. There 
is no State in the Union with so much to gain through Demo- 
cratic success, and so much to lose by Republican triumph as 
the State of New York. We are there electing this year not 
only the entire State ticket from Governor to State Engineer 
not only as in every other State of the L T nion, every member of 
Congress, but- we elect every member of our State Senate, and 
every member of the Assembly. 

Desirous of strengthening our hands at home, we desire 
more to strengthen the National ticket. And we stand here, 



158 Official Proceedings of the 

seventy-two, as one, to pledge you the electoral vote of the State 
of New York if David B. Hill shall be the nominee of this con- 
vention for Vice-President. 

This is no idle statement. We believe that David B. Hill, 
by the side of William J. Bryan, and standing upon the plat- 
form framed by this convention, is by thousands upon thou- 
sands of votes the strongest man that can be named to the 
Democracy of New York, New Jersey and Connecticut. He 
is not, nor has he been in any sense, a candidate for this nom- 
ination. He has suggested every and any means which he 
thought might bring about harmonious action upon the part 
of the delegation from the State of New York, and secure the 
electoral vote of that State for our nominees. He may be 
prepared to decline the nomination which the delegates have 
offered to him and now present to this convention. We say to 
you, decline or not decline, from the first to the last ballot in 
this convention New York's seventy-two united enthusiastic, 
true blue Democratic votes will be cast for David B. Hill. 

At the conclusion of Senator Grady's speech, the chair 
recognized Senator Hill, who advanced to the front of the 
platform and, turning to the chair, said : 

Mr. President and gentlemen of the convention. While I 
greatly appreciate the unexpected action of the delegation from 
New York, it is proper for me to say that it is without my ap- 
proval. I appreciate also the manifestations of friendliness on 
the part of the delegates from other States, but I fell that it is 
my duty to rise here now and say to you that for personal 
reasons, and good and valid reasons, I cannot accept this nom- 
ination. 

I have not been a candidate. I do not desire to be a can- 
didate and I must not be nominated by this convention. There 
are gentlemen here whose names have been or will be pre- 
sented to this convention, any one of which names are stronger 
and more satisfactory than my own. 

There is no difficulty whatever in making a satisfactory 
choice, and I ought not in justice to them to permit my name to 
be used a single moment further, and this convention should 
proceed to nominate a candidate from those who are concededly 
aspirants for the nomination. In justice to me, in justice to 
them, in justice to the party, and in justice to the ordinary 



Democratic National Convention. 159 

procedure of this convention, it is unfair to me to place me 
in this position without my consent. 

The roll call was proceeded with. Florida yielded to Georgia. 
Hon. C. Hutchinson of that State was recognized and spoke as 
follows : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conventio : I represent 
the delegation of the empire State of the South; the State that 
under any and all circumstances will roll up a large Demo- 
cratic majority regardless of what the platform is or who the 
candidates are. Fellow Democrats, this being true, we have only 
one purpose in view in this convention and that is to aid you 
if possible on naming a ticket with which we can win in the 
coming campaign. In this matter we have no way of judging the 
future but by the past, and judging by the past I desire to sec- 
ond the nomination of a man who has been elected to the Vice- 
Presidency of these United States and who, in my judgment, if 
nominated by this convention to-day will meet with similar' 
results in November. He is a man, true and loyal to his party 
both before and after his election. When he filled the office 
of Assistant Postmaster General of these United States he 
never failed to recognize with promptness and precision the 
distinction between a Democrat and a Republican. He is a 
man that belongs to no wing or faction of his party and if 
nominated he will be the candidate of the entire people. He is 
a conservative man, and always speaks and defends the plat- 
forms enunciated by his party. He is an old-time simon-pure 
Jeffersonian Democrat, loved by all, and commands the respect 
and admiration of the American people. If he is placed upon 
our ticket by this convention, with the matchless Bryan as our 
leader, they will carry us to victory in November. The gentle- 
man to whom I refer, and whose nomination we desire to sec- 
ond, is the Honorable Adlai E. Stevenson, of the State of 
Illinois. 

The roll call was proceeded with, and when Illinois was 
reached, Mr. Williams, chairman of the Illinois delegation, 
announced that his State would yield to Connecticut. 

Mr. Cummings of that State was recognized. He said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I rise to second the nomina- 
tion of the gentleman from Minnesota. 



160 Official Proceedings of the 

Mr. Williams of Illinois : Mi*. Chairman, I rise to a point 
of order. 

The Chair: I recognize Mr. Williams of Illinois. Please 
state your point of order. 

Mr. Williams of Illinois: It was well understood among 
the members of the Illinois delegation when they yielded their 
place to Connecticut, that the gentleman to whom they yielded 
was in favor of Mr. Stevenson of Illinois, and that he would 
speak to second his nomination. We did not yield our place 
for any other purpose, and we claim now the right to withdraw 
the privilege of the platform from the gentleman of Connec- 
ticut. 

Mr. Cummings : In further suggestion from the gentleman 
of Illinois, I wish to say that I appear here under a misappre- 
hension. I understood that Illinois had yielded to Connecticut 
for the purpose of seconding the nomination of the gentleman 
from Minnesota. I now understand that Minnesota yields her 
place to Connecticut and therefore I w T ill wait until the State 
of Minnesota is called and then I will take the platform. 

The Secretary again called the State of Illinois, and Mr. 
Williams announced, on behalf of that delegation, that the 
State of Illinois yielded its place to the State of Connecticut. 

Hon. Mr. Kennedy of Connecticut was recognized by the 
Chair and spoke as follows : 

Mr. Chairman and Delegates of this Convention : Represent- 
ing as I do that section of this country that during three mem- 
orable campaigns cast its electoral vote for the Democratic 
ticket, and which in that campaign of 1892 cast its electoral 
vote for Stevenson of Illinois for Vice-President, I arise here to 
second his nomination to-day. If you place as an associate to 
the able statesman that you nominated for President last even- 
ing the name of Stevenson of Illinois, we will give you the 
electoral vote in 1900, as we did in 1892. Pie is a man of a 
National reputation and it would be idle for me to occupy your 
time any longer in speaking to you concerning a Democrat 
whom you all know. I simply wish to impress upon your minds 
the desirability of having a candidate from east of the Mississi- 
ppi River. I wish to impress upon your minds whatever has 
happened in the past, whatever dissent ion there may have been, 
that with Bryan and Stevenson we will sweep the country. 



Democratic National Convention. 161 

The State of Idaho yielded to Washington. The Chair 
recognized Air. Dunphy of that State who spoke as follows : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : The Democrats of the State 
of Washington do me the high honor on this occasion to voice 
their greetings to the personnel of this convention, and author- 
ize me to say that in the coming contest our electoral vote will 
he placed for the second time to credit of the matchless nom- 
inee of this convention and his running mate, whoever he may 
he. 

Born into the sisterhood of States in 1889, the sponsors of 
the enrollment were of the Republican faith, and having full 
and complete control of the machinery of government in the 
struggle of 1892, they cast us down before them like growing 
grain in a heavy storm. Flushed with the pride of victory and a 
big majority, they ignored constitutional mandates and in- 
terpreted the laws unto their own aggrandisement. We chal- 
lenged their integrity and competency in governmental affairs, 
and under the leadership of a favored and honored son, who 
never flirted with tariff barons or trust magnates, who always 
acknowledged the Constitution as the supreme law of the 
commonwealth, we gained possession of the agencies of govern- 
ment and elected to the National Congress our gallant chief- 
tain. 

His voice is ever heard defending the rights of the plain, the 
common people, and his ability and sincerity of purpose, is 
commended by those who fear his power, and differ with his 
sentiment. He is an able and erudite jurist, and an orator of 
National distinction. In the cities, in the mines, in the agri- 
cultural and forest fields of our State, he is a tower of strength, 
and we are here in the best interests of our party to say that 
his nomination for second place upon our ticket will cause the 
voters of Montana, Nevada, California, Oregon and Washing- 
ton the treasure lands of the Republic, to ratify your action. 
Honor him with your confidence, and the people will bless your 
judgment on election day, nominate the Honorable James Ham- 
ilton Lewis of the State of Washington as your Vice-Presiden- 
tial candidate, and on the eve of November 6th the wires from 
the silver and golden West will be freighted with tidings an- 
nouncing a triumphant result. The State of Washington pre- 



1 62 Official Proceedings of the 

sents to your consideration the name of her honored son, James 
Hamilton Lewis. 

When Indiana was called, Hon. Geo. V. Menzies announced 
that that State would yield to Virginia to second the nomina- 
tion of Stevenson of Illinois. 

Hon. William A. Jones was recognized and spoke as fol- 
lows : 

Voicing the sentiment of the twenty-four delegates from 
that State which gave to this grand Republic its first and great- 
est President one hundred years ago, Virginia seconds the 
nomination made by the State of Illinois. 

Gentlemen of the convention, the Democratic party is 
stronger to-day than it was in 1896, it is mightier to-day than 
ever before in all its glorious history, and if you will give to the 
Democratic party as its candidate for the Vice-Presidency 
the favorite son of Illinois, you will add to the column of 1896 
sufficient votes to insure the election of William Jennings 
Bryan. 

You will give to that magnificent column, you will add 
to it the twenty-four votes of Illinois, the fifteen votes of Indi- 
ana, the twelve votes from the State of Kentucky, and that 
will insure the triumph of Mr. Bryan and the principles enunci- 
ated in that magnificent document which you set forth yester- 
day. 

Iowa and Kansas were passed. Hon. James T. McCreary 
of Kentucky was recognized and addressed the Convention 
as follows : 

Mr. Chairman and fellow Democrats : I am directed by the 
delegates from Kentucky to second the nomination of that 
gallant and gifted, that true, that patriotic and fearless Demo- 
crat, Adlai E. Stevenson. 

We love him because he has always been faithful and true, 
because wherever he has worked he has made a good record, 
We love him because he has always been brave and true to 
the common people of this country, and we love him, my fel- 
low Democrats, because he is one of the greatest and noblest 
and the best of the Democrats ever born in the State of Ken- 
tucky. 

Our State has in the last six months passed through a ter- 



Democratic National Convention. 163 

rible ordeal, such an ordeal as we had hoped no commonwealth 
would ever be required to pass through. 

But old Kentucky has come out properly, and she stands 
to-day in favor of law and justice; she stands to-day with 
peace and good government triumphant. We are anxious 
for the time to come when we can meet the Republicans in 
political battle in the State of Kentucky. We want the Novem- 
ber election to come so that we may try the issues, so the people 
of that State may be able to say whether they are in favor 
of Democratic rule or Republican rule, whether they are in 
favor of law and order ; the support of the Constitution, and 
peace as advocated by Democrats, or whether they are in favor 
of disloyalty to the Constitution, Republican methods and 
measures and government by injunction, government by bayo- 
nets and government by assassination. We have no fears of 
the result. We believe that the good people of Kentucky 
want Democratic rule so established that it will last for years 
and years to come, and under the leadership of that dis- 
tinguished scholar and matchless orator, friend of the people — 
William J. Bryan — and under the leadership of that noble 
gentleman, that true friend who has always worked faith- 
fully in every office he has ever held — Adlai Stevenson — we 
believe we will carry the Democratic banner of Kentucky to 
victory with twenty thousand majority. 

W T hen the State of Lousiana was called, Hon. A. Howard 
McCaleb, chairman of the delegation, arose in his place and 
said : I am directed by all of the Lousiana delegation to second 
the nomination of that gallant son of New York, David Ben- 
nett Hill. 

Maine was passed. 

Hon. A. Leo Knott was recognized and spoke as follows 
in behalf of the M aryland delegation : 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : I have 
the honor in obedience to the unanimous vote of the delega- 
tion of Maryland to present to the consideration of this con- 
vention the name of one of her sons whom she is delighted 
to honor, and ask the suffrages of this convention as the nom- 
inee for the office of Vice-President for our present illustrious 
Governor, John Walter Smith. In the prime of life he has 
already achieved a distinction which any one might well envy, 



164 Official Proceedings of the 

by his merits, by his distinguished character, by his high honor, 
Ins steadfast reputation and by his unflinching, unfaltering, 
undeviating devotion to the principles of the Democratic party. 
Filling various public stations' in our State, he has so filled 
them, he has discharged the duties with such fidelity to the 
trust reposed in him that his fellow citizens have called him 
to ascend from one station to another until on last November 
they elevated him to the office of Chief Magistrate of our State, 
reversing a Republican majority of four years before of thirty- 
two thousand into a Democratic majority of eight thousand. 
In 1892 when so many of those in the Democratic party who 
had been honored with places of trust and of power and of 
emolument and became worse than heathens, he, in his stead- 
fastness remained true and supported by his eloquence and by 
his efforts the nominee and the platform adopted at Chicago 
in that year. 

I therefore ask you, Mr. President and fellow citizens to 
give him your votes and your voices for the office which he 
will fill with the highest credit to himself and the great honor 
of the Democratic party. 

Hon. George Fred Williams spoke in behalf of Massachu- 
setts, saying: 

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Convention : We are 
performing a sacred duty here to-day, and as God's benedic- 
tion was almost heard spoken aloud in our deliberations on 
yesterday, so I believe that His blessing will be upon our de- 
liberations now. I speak from the State of Massachusetts, 
but I wish to point a moral for this convention from the State 
of New York, to guide us in our deliberations. There is no 
State in the whole Union that is entitled to more consideration 
at the hands of the Democracy of this Union than the State 
of New York. They have their internal differences there, but 
they have just come to us with one faction of the party present- 
ing the representative of the other faction, both of them grasp- 
ing hands in the great union that is necessary for the success 
of our cause, and had the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Hill) not insisted upon declining, and been named by this 
convention, Democrats who are worthy of the name would 
have gone home to work most enthusiastically for the man. 

Mr. Chairman, we owe a great debt to New York, for 



Democratic National Convention. 165 

when we were in a crisis yesterday morning with the rising 
of the sun, New York sent out word from its delegation that 
there must be no minority report to this convention. Mr. 
Chairman, I do not speak here in behalf of the Massachusetts 
delegation upon a poll, Massachusetts has come here for the 
best man, and I stand here for the best man, but I am per- 
mitted here to speak from Massachusetts to second the nom- 
ination which seems to me to be desirable in the interests of 
»the party. Gentlemen, there has been presented here the name 
of a man who is the intellectual and moral peer of the candi- 
date in the first place, and that gentleman is the Hon. Charles 
A Towne. Mr. Chairman, I know that there are many men 
among the delegates before me who are under a misapprehen- 
sion with respect to Mr. Towne. I know to my own knowledge 
that after the campaign of 1896 in which he did such valiant 
service, he desired to abandon the silver Republican organiza- 
tion and to join the Democratic party without reservation; and 
I know also, gentlemen, that it was upon the request, with 
urgency, of the leaders of the Democratic party, that he was 
dissuaded from taking that course ; and had it not been for that 
Mr. Towne would have been standing here with as much right 
to the name of Democrat as I have to that name, or as has any 
man in this audience. 

Now, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, there are several States 
in this Union in which the balance of power is held by a party 
or parties that do not denominate themselves Democratic, but 
they are with us for our nominee, and with us for our platform ; 
they are our friends, they are present in this city to extend 
the right hand of fellowship to us. Fellow Democrats, it is time 
that the Populist party and the silver Republican party ceased 
to exist, and we have the opportunity here to-day of doing the 
work that will create one solid phalanx to march to the victory 
for Bryan. 

Mr. Chairman, we all know that Mr. Towne has not his su- 
perior as a public debater in the United States. The Repub- 
lican party has put up for the second place a grand-stand per- 
former and we need a man for our second place who can at- 
tend to the case of Mr. Theodore Roosevelt. There is no man 
more equal to the task than the Hon. Charles A. Towne. 

Michigan was passed. 



i66 Official Proceedings of the 

Minnesota yielded to the State of Connecticut. Hon. Homer 
S. Cummings was recognized by the Chair and said : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : I rise to 
second the nomination of the gentleman from Minnesota. I 
do this because I believe that he will strengthen the ticket. We 
want an orator, we want a patriot, we want a statesman, we 
want a man that stands on every plank of the platform and on 
every inch of every plank. We want a man who stands, while 
he stands for free silver in the United States, does not stand 
for free lead in the Philippine Islands. I believe that this nom- 
ination will strengthen the ticket. Put Mr. Towne upon the 
ticket, and he will perform for the Democratic party in 1900 
the services that William J. Bryan performed in 1896. 

When Mississippi was called, Governor Longino announced 
that Senator Money of that State would speak in behalf of 
Mississippi. 

Senator Money said : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : This is a 
Democratic convention. I voluntarily make that importa^ 
announcement because I fear our opinion upon that subject 
may have been disturbed by some nominations and speeches 
made this morning. This is the eighth Democratic National con- 
vention that I have participated in. It is the grandest, the most 
enthusiastic, that ever has been held upon this continent. Your 
enthusiasm generating at two thousand vibrations a second 
goes from this magnificent assembly out into the country every- 
where and is flashed at thirty-two thousand vibrations a second 
over the world, across your broad plains, your mountain caps, 
in the sunless depths of tumbling seas, and on this and the other 
hemisphere, on islands and on continents, your enthusiasm is 
thrilling every American Democrat in all the universe in every 
drop that visits his Democratic heart. We are here to-day to 
nominate, out of eight millions of Democratic voters, only two 
candidates, and those two candidates shall both be Democrats. 
Not Democrats upon affidavit; not Democrats upon the tes- 
timony of gentlemen brought upon the stand, but genuine 
Democrats in every effusion of their political lives. Democrats 
whom it is not necessary to a Democratic convention that they 
are Democrats. They shall be Democrats who are not to-day 
and have not been the chairman of any other party in the world. 



Democratic National Convention. 167 

The eloquent gentleman from Georgia said that if Adlai Steven- 
son of Illinois were nominated, that he belonged to both wings 
of the Democratic party. He does belong to both wings of the 
Democratic party and he does not belong to any wing of any 
other party. 

If we cannot furnish Democrats, let us dissolve the associa- 
tion and go home. I stand here authorized by the State of 
Mississippi to second the nomination. In the election of 1896 
the State of Mississippi, with 1,000 voting precincts, gave every 
single one of them to William Jennings Bryan. If you will 
nominate two good Democrats we will do twice as well as that 
in this year of 1900. 

I am here to second the nomination of a man who needs 
no introduction as a Democrat, who has lived and fought as 
Democrat, who stands to-day the type of a successful Demo- 
crat, and who will not fail to get every Democratic Vote 
put in the ballot box, and every one that comes within reach 
of the ballot box of 1900. 

Gentlemen, the Democratic party is affluent in material for 
Presidents and Vice-Presidents. We are not yet reduced to 
playing our white chips, or to borrowing the chips of any 
other party. We are playing our own game here today. 
We do not put our money upon the horse that has got simply 
some good points, but upon the one that we know will win, 
, that we know will bring us to victory. 

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Committee, now, on 
behalf of the solid Democracy of the State of Mississippi, that 
is bound to voie the Democratic ticket, come what may, I beg 
to second the nomination of that gallant Democrat, Adlai E. 
Stevenson, of the State of Illinois. 

When Missouri was called, Hon. W. J. Stone of that State 
was recognized by the Chair and he addressed the Convention 
as follows : 

I have not been directed or requested by the Missouri dele- 
gation to second the nomination of any candidate. I come be- 
fore you on my own account in response to your call, which I 
feel I ought to acknowledge, and because there is something 
I think ought to be said at this time, which, through inadvert- 
ence, might not be said if I remained silent. Let it be under- 
stood, however, that in what I am about to say I speak without 



i68 Official Proceedings of the 

having' consulted my State delegation, and therefore do not 
know to what extent I may voice the opinions of its memhers, 
but speak solely on my own responsibility. I do not think that 
the speech just delivered by the distinguished Senator from 
Mississippi, should go unchallenged. For that Senator I enter- 
tain only sentiments of kindly regard and high respect, and 
while it does not lie within my province to criticise his utter- 
ances in a manner offensive to him, it is proper for me to say 
that he has given expression to some thoughts to which I can- 
not give my sanction or approval. I cannot believe that the 
Senator means to wound those splendid gentlemen and patriots 
who followed the leadership of Teller and Towne in 1896, and 
yet his utterances must sound harshly in their ears. I recall 
the occurrences of that year. Of the conventions held in 1896 
the two most important were those held by the Republicans at 
St. Louis and the Democrats at Chicago. The scenes enacted 
in those conventions recur to my mind as pictures before my 
eyes. I can see the picture, the pathetic, almost tragic, and yet 
heroic picture — of Teller and the others as they stood up in 
the St. Louis convention pleading for the people against plu- 
tocracy, then protesting, and at last defiant. I can see them 
as they walked out of that convention, leaving behind them the 
associations of a lifetime, and maybe, also, many high hopes 
of future honors and opportunities. It was a heroic, splendid 
and patriotic act. They made great sacrifices for principle and 
for conscience. They left the Republican convention under the 
most trying circumstances, espoused the cause for which the 
Democratic party stood, and supported Bryan as zealously as 
any who rallied to his side in that memorable contest. I recall 
also the events of the Chicago convention, and you can also 
recall them. It is sufficient merely to advert to them. T will not 
provoke acrimony by discussing them. But this I wish to 
say — that when those heroes and patriotic men who walked 
out of the Republican convention to take sides with Bryan, 
arc invited, as they have been, to occupy seats in this conven- 
tion, they are entitled to as much consideration and respect in 
this presence as are those who turned their backs upon the Chi- 
cago Convention and its candidates and gave a helping hand 
to llanna and McKinley. No man welcomes with warmer 
or more grateful heart the return to party duty and loyalty of 



Democratic National Convention. . 169 

those Democrats who for reasons of their own did not support 
our ticket in 1896. than I. I am happy to see them at home 
again : I want them back, and want them to come without any 
kind of sacrifice being offered or required. We want no per- 
formance in sackcloth and ashes, but I am more than willing 
to take a sponge to clean the board, that we may be henceforth, 
as we have been in the past, one family in all respects. Never- 
theless I insist that those who make great sacrifices to aid our 
party in the hour of its greatest trial are entitled to the most 
respectful consideration here. 

A few words more and I am done. Notwithstanding- what 
I have said I do not believe that Mr. Towne should be nomin- 
ated by this convention. For him I entertain only sentiments 
of high respect and real affection, but from the political point 
of view I would esteem his nomination a mistake. Putting the 
party and public interests above the man, I feel obliged to advise 
against his selection. For the same reason I concur in what the 
distinguished ex-Senator from New York has said in opposi- 
tion to his own nomination. His judgment, based on reasons 
clear and cogent, is against the wisdom of his nomination, and 
so is 'mine. I honor him for his candor and manliness, but I 
concur in his opinion. For many reasons which I could find, 
but which I do not deem it necessary to elaborate. I believe 
that of all the names before the convention for the high honor of 
this nomination, it would be the part of political wisdom and 
good judgment to place the name of General Stevenson of 
Illinois, a typical American and a great Democrat, upon our 
ticket with William Jennings Bryan. 

Montana and Nebraska were both passed. 

Hon. F. G. Newlangs, of Nevada, spoke in behalf of that 
State, saying : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : We have 
presented to the country a platform of exalted eloquence and 
force, appealing to the reason, the judgment, the conscience 
and the high patriotic purpose of the American people. We 
have nominated upon the platform a candidate of inflexible 
integrity of high purposes, of exalted abilities, the ideal of a 
great reform movement which really means to return to the 
conservatism of our fathers and to avoid the new theories in 
government and economics which threaten our institutions 



i/O Official Proceedings of the 

and the prosperity of the people. Our purpose now is to nom- 
inate his associate, and the pressing need of the hour is a can- 
didate who can go before the people with logic, reason, fire and 
eloquence and appeal to the patriotic impulses of the people. 

Four years ago there walked out of the Republican conven- 
tion a man of transcendent ability, to whom his party was will- 
ing to give any advance in preferment. He, as a matter of 
earnest conviction, threw aside all and gave himself up to 
the struggle of principle and reform. As he walked out of that 
Republican convention he proposed to walk into the Democratic 
party, but was prevented by the leaders of the Democratic 
party, high in position and standing, who believed that his 
place of usefulness was in the leadership of that band of sincere 
and earnest Republicans who believed in the Republicanism 
of Lincoln rather than in the Republicanism of Hanna and 
McKinley, and who believed in an alliance between Lincoln 
Republicanism and Bryan Democracy. After that defeat he 
remained a true leader of the propaganda, asserting it every- 
where, maintaining his devotion to the principles and the 
declarations of the Chicago platform, striving everywhere 
under the name of Silver Republican for Democratic sutcess. 
and judged by the earnestness of his conviction, judged by the 
devotion to the principles and the declarations of the. Chicago 
platform, judged by his earnest efforts in behalf of Democratic 
success, — no man to-day has better credentials to Democracy 
than Towne, of Minnesota. We have before us a hot cam- 
paign. I shall close, gentlemen, in a few sentences if you will 
bear with me. I know you are impatient to vote. In this 
campaign, recollect the campaign will be conducted by the 
Republicans with unparalleled expenditures of money, with 
discipline and organization. To that campaign we have to 
oppose logic, reason, persuasion and appeals to the patriotic 
impluses of the people. What can better voice the sentiments 
of the Democratic masses in words that will burn into the hearts 
of his hearers than Mr. Towne of Minnesota. I feel that if we 
march into the campaign with Bryan and Towne and this plat- 
form we will go into a victory, which means the triumph of the 
principles advocated by Jefferson, by Lincoln and by Bryan. 

Mr. Henry C. Kent seconded the nomination in behalf of 
New Hampshire. 



Democratic National Convention. 171 

Mr. Kent said : 

Last winter, when the snow lay deep upon the ground, that 
Tribune of the people, William J. Bryan, made a tour through 
New England — a royal progress, touching slumbering zeal 
into living flame, revivifying old beliefs and the old faith and 
bringing- into new life the Democracy of that region now in 
the forefront of the Democratic battle. 

I esteem it a high honor to be delegated by my State to pre- 
sent as its choice for the Vice-Presidency a man for association 
with this leader chosen of the Democracy; in the pending 
contest for the assertion of popular rights. 

Sixteen years ago, it was a great privilege to present in be- 
half of New England the name of the candidate who was nom- 
inated and elected President of the United States. I trust the 
same good fortune may attend the nomination, in this magnifi- 
cent convention west of the Missouri, where are assembled 
the representatives of a great party and a united people. 

"No South shall be remembered now, no North, no East, 
no West. 
Our Country shall be in all, the land we love the best. 
Our march shall be an army's march and freedom lead the 
way, 

Till all the world shali take the step and follow into day." 

We should present with Mr. Bryan a man deservedly strong 

with the Democratic masses, who will unify Democratic 

strength, encourage Democratic confidence and aid in securing 

victory. 

Such a man there is, tried in prosperity and adversity, known 
to the Democracy of the country, one whom with reason we 
love and esteem, who will awaken, encourage and unite Demo- 
crats of all sections ; tried but never found wanting ; beloved 
by the people of the party, because standing with his party 
unfalteringly, never failing in his devotion to it and the prin- 
ciples it represents. 

The State of New Hampshire unanimously presents for the 
consideration of this convention for nominee for Virc-Presi- 
dent, Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois. 

Mr. Daly said : Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the con- 
vention : The fact that I came from the old Democratic State 



i/2 Official Proceedings of the 

of Now jersey should recommend me to your attention. New 
Jersey at one time stood as the only Democratic State in the 
Easr and the eye of all Democrats was directed towards it to 
see how New jersey went. New Jersey wants to get back into 
the Democratic column. I was instructed when I left my home 
ro sacrifice everything in order that the Democratic party 
might win in the coming election. 

We have no candidate ; we have no prejudice and no feeling. 
We welcome the Silver Republican and Populist to our ranks; 
but in doing that we sacrifice no principles. 

It has been said time and again that when New York and 
New Jersey again entered the Democratic column that victory 
would perch upon our banners. We are in a position to say that 
we will again come into that column. We think we have to- 
day a candidate for Vice-President of the United States who 
will help us on to victory. We have a candidate who has 
given the best years of his life to furthering the principles of 
Democracy. He comes from the State of New York. Let me 
say here we honor his judgment, we respect his will, but the 
Democratic party demands that he shall sacrifice his person- 
ality in order that Bryan and Hill may occupy the Presidential 
chair and the chair of the Vice-President. On behalf of his- 
toric New Jersey, ever faithful to Democracy, I second the 
nomination of David Bennet Hill of New York. 

When New York was called, Hon. P. H. McCarren an- 
nounced that New York would yield to the State of Delaware. 

Hon. L. Irving Handy of Delaware was recognized and 
spoke as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, Gentlemen of the Convention : J stand here 
by the courtesy of the State of New York, because I represent 
the Democratic party. In that are locked up all of my hopes 
and all of my aspirations, both for my country and for myself, 
and because I love the Democratic party, and because I believe 
that we are in this good year of 1900 facing a crisis for that 
party ; 1 am here to second the nomination of David B. Hill 
for the Vice- Presidency. I know perfectly well that is the 
first thought in the heart and mind of every delegate as I name 
the name. That thought is, why Hill is not a candidate. He 
stood upon the platform and said he did not want the nomina- 
tion. I le has not asked for this nomination. He prefers in this 



Democratic National Convention. 173 

fight a place in the private rank, but, my friends, the State 
of New York asks this nomination for him. My friends, the 
State of New York has put Air. Hill in nomination and asserts 
that it will vote for him from the beginning of the balloting to 
the end of the contest. Now, my friends, how about Mr. Hill's 
own position. He does not want this nomination, but a better 
soldier never walked beneath the Democratic flag, and when 
we nominate him, he w T ill take it. In seconding the nomination 
of Mr. Hill I am not seconding- the nomination of a man who 
would refuse to obey his party's orders. If you want him you 
can take him and he will serve. Of that I am satisfied. 

There is just one more thought that I want to give to you 
and that is this : Yesterday David B. Hill stood on this plat- 
form and he stated to us that the Democratic platform which 
we had adopted was a platform worthy for any Democrat to 
accept and stand on. 

In 1896 we fought the campaign of 1896 on the platform 
of 1896. In 1900 without going back to the platform of four 
years ago we are going to fight the campaign of 1900 on the 
platform of 1900 and win a victory and on that platform David 
B. Hill stands as squarely as you and I do. 

My friends, this is the great battle council, the war council 
of the Democratic party. We are going out to fight. We are 
here to choose our captain and to take our line of battle. We 
have the greatest and the most stainless statesman of modern 
times for our Presidential candidate, William J. Bryan of 
Nebraska. 

We give you the name of a man for Vice-President, a Demo- 
crat with courage as true as the Damascus blade. Do not let 
us fight in the West alone or in the North alone or in the South 
alone, but let us fight East and West, North and South, and 
I tell you that the ticket will be crowned with victory if you put 
on it Bryan and Hill of New York. 

The Chair recognized Senator White of California. 

Senator White said : Mr. Chairman, let me suggest that if 
there are any people here who do not desire to listen, let them 
go away ; for the delegates here are commissioned to voice 
the sentiments of their people, and it is their duty to vote their 
sentiment though it may lead to the expulsion of those who will 
not obev the orders of the Chair. 



174 Official Proceedings of the 

Hon. S. M. Gattis responded in behalf of North Carolina. 
Mr. Gattis said : 

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of this Democratic Conven- 
tion : The delegates from the great State of North Carolina 
have commissioned me to place in nomination before this great- 
est Democratic convention that has ever been held in the 
United States, a son from the tar heel State, a man whose 
Democracy requires no sponser here. He is a man who on all 
occasions, in season and out of season, has supported the 
Democratic platform and the candidates nominated thereon. 
In business he is a manufacturer but he is unalterably opposed 
to trusts, a business man in season and out of season has dared 
to stand for the cause of silver. A philanthropist, whose bene- 
factions both public and private have made his name wherever 
known the synonym for Christian charity and philanthropy. 
We present to you the name of Gen. Julian S. Carr of North 
Carolina. 

The Chair recognized Hon. M. A. Dougherty of Ohio, who 
addressed the convention as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Convention : On the 
one great and commanding issue of the hour, Ohio is as safely 
Democratic as is Texas or Georgia. The people of Ohio are 
against the colonial system of a Julius Caesar, against the 
conquest and subjugation of a Napoleon Bonaparte, against 
the expansion of William McKinley, and expansion accomp- 
lished with fire and sword and all the horrors of an unjust 
and unholy war, written in the blood and butchery and slaughter 
of God's created beings. They are against that administration 
which pursues in Asia the identical policy that the tyrant of 
the world pursues in Africa. They are as much against a royal 
George the Third in the White House as they are against a Re- 
publican assassin hidden away in the executive chamber of Old 
Kentucky. They are against that political party which, meet- 
ing in National convention at Philadelphia, had no veneration 
for Independence Hall, no cheers for old Liberty Bell, but the 
moral sentiment of which was best manifested upon the appear- 
ance of a fugitive from justice indicted for murder, who shared 
the applause of the delegates with the President of the United 
States and an alleged rough rider from New York. They are 
for the dear old Republic, and unalterably and forever against 



Democratic National Convention. 17? 

the hated empire. But they believe as has been suggested here 
by the distinguished Senator from Mississippi, that this is a 
Democratic convention, Democratic in sentiment, Democratic 
in principle, Democratic in pattern, Democratic in its nom- 
ination for President, and it must be Democratic in its nomin- 
ation for Vice-President. The Democracy of Ohio yield to no 
man in respect and admiration for the high intellectual attain- 
ments and patriotic purpose of those distinguished Silver Re- 
publicans, but I do wish to suggest that before they are pre- 
sented here to receive the rewards of the Democracy, they ought 
at least to have performed their first ablutions in the Jordan of 
Democracy. I would indeed question, I would challenge that 
leadership which would advise and encourage any honorable 
and any respectable gentleman to stay out of the Democratic 
party.* It occurs to us that good intentions have been too long 
delayed. The Democracy of Ohio desire to complete the splen- 
did work of this magnificent convention by presenting to the 
consideration of the delegates one of their most respected sons, 
one of their most brilliant lawyers, one of their most dis- 
tinguishd orators, and Ohio's greatest living Democrat. A 
Democrat who has learned Democracy from the teachings of 
a father, from the study of the Constitution of his country, 
from loving devotion to the principles of the Declaration of 
Independence. I will name him after awhile, and then it will be 
your duty to vote for him. A Democrat who enjoys the con- 
fidence and respect of the people of Ohio as no other citizen 
within our border; who never but once was presented to the 
people for their suffrage, and who ran forty thousand ahead of 
his ticket. I present to you, my friends, a Democrat who be- 
lieves in the Constitution of his country as the only political 
force, the only political agency ; who is strong enough and great 
enough to destroy the trusts, to stay the advancing tide of im- 
perialist expansion. One who believes that against the pois- 
oned shaft of imperial power, now clasped in the raised hand 
of the Republican party, that the only safeguard, the only pro- 
tection, is the old historic Constitutional Democratic party, 
anchored to the Constitution with fidelity to the country and to 
the true interests of the people. 

The Ohio Democracy presents to this convention for Vice- 



]/6 Official Proceedings of the 

President the name of the Hon. Abraham W. Patrick, as our 
choice. 

When Oregon was called, Hon. A. M. Bennett, on behalf 
of that State, seconded the nomination of Hon. James Hamil- 
ton Lewis for Vice-President. 

Hon. Win. H. Sowden responded when the State of Penn- 
sylvania was called. Mr. Sowden said : 

Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Convention : On be- 
half of the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania, that cast over 
430,000 votes for our matchless leader, William Jennings 
Bryan, in 1896, I appear to second the nomination of one who 
as Congressman and as Postmaster General, and as Vice- 
President, was ever faithful to his official duties, and has always 
been loyal to the Democratic party. 

He is pre-eminently an old-fashioned Democrat, one of the 
plain people, always loyal to their interests. As a Congress- 
man he uniformly voted for such legislation as advanced the 
material prosperity of his country and the great mass of his 
people. As an executive officer he was always accessible and 
obliging, and as the presiding officer of the United States Sen- 
ate he commanded the respect and confidence of every member 
of that high and honorable body. He is honest, upright and ca- 
pable, and withal a Democrat. He was born a Democrat. He 
was raised a Democrat. He stood upon every Democratic plat- 
form. He is a man in strong vigor in his manhood, and is 
fully capable of making a thorough canvass of the country in the 
event of his nomination. This convention can make no mistake 
in naming him as its candidate for the second highest office 
in our Republic. He carried Illinois as a candidate before 
for this same office in 1892, and he will carry it again if you 
place him on the ticket. 

Gentlemen of the convention, you have adopted a superb 
platform upon which every honest Democrat can stand, and 
against its Americanism no patriotic citizen can take any ex- 
ception. Upon it you have nominated one of the grandest 
American statesmen of to-day, William Jennings Bryan. If 
you supplement your good work by the nomination of Adlai 
E. Stevenson, you may rest assured that it will be ratified at 
the polls next November. 

The State of Rhode Island was passed. 



Democratic National Convention. 177 

The Chairman of the South Carolina delegation announced 
that his State seconded the nomination of Stevenson. 

South Dakota was passed. 

The Chairman of the Tennessee 'delegation announced 
that Tennessee seconded the nomination of David Bennett Hill. 

When the State of Texas was called, the Chair recognized 
Hon. Jonathan Lane of that State, who spoke as follows: 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : I haven't 
much to say and it won't take me long to say it. In obedience 
to my own wishes and the command of the delegates from 
Texas, that State that always helps to do the cooking but never 
eats the pie, I come to say to the National Democracy that at 
the November election we propose to see Missouri's sixty 
thousand and go her one hundred and forty thousand better, 
and we dare any State to call that. We come from a people 
who have never learned to value the blood of our citizens in 
foreign gold. W T e come from a people who value individual 
and National liberty beyond foreign commerce and trade. We 
come from the people who believe that the betterment of this 
Nation can best be gained for the people where every man 
fights as if it was, his own battle. And now in behalf of those 
people I desire to say to this convention that the thirty thou- 
sand votes of Texas will be cast for Illinois' candidate. 

Hon. William F. Knox of Utah, in behalf of that delega- 
tion, seconded the nomination of Stevenson. 

The Chairman of the Vermont delegation announced that 
Vermont seconded the nomination of Stevenson. 

Hon. W. A. Jones of Virginia seconded the nomination 
of Stevenson. Mr. Jones said : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention: Speak- 
ing the united sentiment of the representatives of the common- 
wealth of Virginia, that State which gave to the American 
Republic, in the person of the immortal Jefferson, its first and 
greatest Democratic President, I second the nomination made 
on behalf of the great State of Illinois. The Democratic party 
is infinitely stronger to-day than it was in 1896. It is mightier 
to-day than at any other period in all its long and splendid his- 
tory, and if we but exercise ordinary wisdom in the selection 
of the running mate of the matchless Bryan, it will be invinc- 
ible. If the voters of Illinois, Indiana and Kentucky are added 



178 Official Proceedings of the 

to the Democratic column of 1896, it will mean Democratic 
success, and in my opinion the nomination of Adlai E. Steven- 
son for Vice-President will render certain the 52 electoral votes 
of those States, and insure the election of William Jennings 
Bryan, and the triumph of the deathless principles embodied 
in that glorious platform promulgated on yesterday. 

Hon. J. W. St. Clair of West Virginia spoke in behalf of 
that State, saying : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : This is 
peculiarly a time in the deliberations of this body which re- 
quires the exercise of calm judgment. You have had presented 
to you for your consideration for the nomination which you 
are about to make, the names of a number of distinguished 
Democrats, all of whom would grace and honor your National 
ticket. 

I have no word of criticism to offer against each or any 
of them, but gentlemen, you have a party which inaugurated 
in this country constitutional government. You have a party 
which has declared in your platform for constitutional govern- 
ment. Give us an old-time hickory Democrat who was born in 
1840, standing for constitutional government, the Honorable 
Adlai E. Stevenson of the State of Illinois. 

I love and admire much as any man the immaculate leader, 
the Honorable David B. Hill of the State of New York. I 
have the greatest admiration for that distinguished gentleman, 
the Honorable Charles A. Towne. But let me call your at- 
tention to this : Don't put both candidates on this ticket west 
of the Mississippi River. If you do you will make a mistake 
for your party. They are all good men and good Democrats, 
but I appeal to you as a matter of party politics, without making 
the slightest sacrifice you should stand for a ticket that will 
command the largest votes in November. My fellow Demo- 
crats, I am not one of those who is taken off his feet by a 
declaration made in convention as to what will be done at the 
polls. Look at that proposition calmly, and look to a ticket 
that will give you the best assurance of election in the pivotal 
States. My own State is one of them, and there is no man on 
this continent who has more of the popular heart of her people 
than has Adlai Stevenson. I appeal to you again, don't put 
both candidates west of the Mississippi River. We have given 



Democratic National Convention. 179 

you people in the West in the shape of platform all you asked 
as Democrats. Give to us, the old line of the party, candidates 
to stand in Democratic districts, to maintain a platform we have 
given the country at your request. 

Hon. George C. Cooper responded in behalf of Wisconsin 
as follows : 

Gentlemen of this Convention : The Republican party at 
this time is engaged in prayer; it has been for nine months, 
and in my opinion it will be for nine months more. And it is 
the most wonderful prayer that was ever sent up by a political 
party, ever sent up by an individual in the history of civiliza- 
tion. The prayer which is sent up by the Republican party 
to-day is that liberty may be crucified in South Africa before 
the sixth day of next November. We have in this convention 
nominated for the most exalted position on this earth the first 
citizen of the Republic. I state this as a neighbor and as a 
friend, not altogether for the great State of Wisconsin. The 
man whom I will second for the position of Vice-President of 
the United States, if this convention sees fit to place him side 
by side with the great Bryan, in my opinion will carry on to 
a grand victory the most wonderful campaign in the history 
of the United States. My friends, let this convention de- 
liberate, let this convention look this matter squarely in the 
face; it would be a peculiar candidate who could not carry a 
majority of a Democratic convention. Mr. friends, let this 
convention so act that when the delegates here assembled shall 
return to their homes in the far East and in the far West, where 
rolls the Oregon, or to the commercial lakes of the North, or 
to the vine-clad hills of the sunny South, let each one of them 
be able to say, and with him every Democrat and lover of 
liberty throughout this broad land, in the language of an 
illustrious Democrat now gathered to his fathers, let him 
be able to say, my choice for Vice-President is the nominee 
of the Democratic party. 

There are great issues confronting the American people in 
this campaign — greater issues than there have ever been before 
for one hundred years; great moral questions confront the 
American people. Upon those great questions the Republican 
party, without a single exception, is wrong; the Democratic 



180 Official Proceedings of the 

party, thank God, upon each one of these great moral questions, 
is irrevocably right. 

My friends, twenty-five years ago was there a man, woman 
or child in the United States who believed that a great political 
party would bring to the American people the claim which the 
Republican party brings today, for the support and suffrage of 
American manhood? The Republican press, my friends, say 
that we have killed in the Philippine Islands ten thousand Fil- 
ipinos. That means ten thousand widows in tears. 

That means, my friends, forty thousand children left father- 
less. That means, my friends, many mothers who have been 
left childless. That means, my friends, weeping here in the 
United States. 

Now, my friends, we have placed candidates before the 
American people that fit the platform. They bring us these 
things, and say, Behold our handiwork. My friends, we have 
placed before the American people candidates who believe in 
the doctrine of the Master, and who are opposed to the policy 
of Mahomet, who founded his empire at the edge of the 
sword. I present a gentleman as a candidate for the office of 
Vice-President who is opposed to a protective tariff ; I present 
a candidate who is in favor of a tariff for revenue only. I 
propose a candidate who believes in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. I propose one of the most eloquent men on earth 
for this office, the Honorable Charles A. Towne, of Minnesota. 

Hon. David S. Rose, of Wisconsin, was recognized by the 
Chair. Mr. Rose said : 

The gentleman who has just spoken for Wisconsin, repre- 
sents his own vote and one more. Twenty-two of the delegates 
from Wisconsin second the nomination of Adlai Stevenson, a 
Democrat. 

Hon. J. L. Norris spoke in behalf of the District of Colum- 
bia saying: 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention: As the 
chairman of the six delegates known as the Norris delegation, 
sent to this convention by the resrular Democratic organization, 
the United Democracy of the District of Columbia, I rise 
to second the nomination of that grand and excellent man for 



Democratic National Convention. 181 

whom I voted in 1892 in the Chicago Convention, Adlai E. 
Stevenson. 

New Mexico seconded the nomination of Stevenson. 

When Hawaii was called, Hon. John H. Wise:' said : 

Mr. Chairman : The Territory of Hawaii again takes pleas- 
ure in standing before you today. Like the State of Massa- 
chusetts, we believe we owe a duty to the State of New York.; 
but, unlike that State, we second the nomination of the delegate 
from New York. 

The Chair : The Chair desires to state that the Secretary 
omitted to call the State of Florida, and the Chair therefore 
recognizes and introduces to the Convention, Mr. Gibbons, of 
that State. 

Mr. Gibbons said : 

Mr. Chairman and fellow Democrats. By some mistake 
Florida was omitted in the call, but we do not propose to be' 
passed by in the great events of this time. It has indeed been said 
that we are the tail end' of the United States, but we want to let 
you know that we are still with you and we are not only at the 
other end, but we are at the most immediate end of the interests 
of the great Democratic party and the people of this country. 

My friends and fellow citizens, the representatives of Dem- 
ocracy in the Florida delegation come from the heart of that 
great commonwealth, the land of sunshine and flowers and the 
home of the alligator. Florida comes to you with greetings 
to her sister States and as a rising constellation in the galaxy of 
this great nation she is proud to have the honor of seconding 
the nomination of one of the gentlemen presented to the con- 
vention today, and it is a pleasure and a privilege to endorse 
the pure Democrat, the sagacious statesman and profound ex- 
pounder of the Constitution, Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois. 
With him we shall go to victory and land in the Presidential 
chair the man of our choice, and in the office of Vice-President, 
the great statesman from Illinois. 

The Chair recognized Hon. J. Flamilton Lewis, of Wash- 
ington. 

Mr. Lewis spoke as .follows : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention : I rise 
only for the purpose of making an announcement. I desire to 



182 



Official Proceedings of the 



say to my home State of Washington, to her generous neigh- 
bors, the State of Oregon and the State of Idaho, whose mes- 
senger informs the Honorable Chair that he was belated when 
his State was called, to the South, the home of my nativity, 
and to the other States represented here in this convention who 
have so cordially volunteered a tribute from the part of the 
country from which I come, by paying it to me, I desire to 
withdraw from that consideration at this time, feeling that 
there should be no votes lost upon a complimentary ballot, as 
I feel the importance of this most crucial moment. I desire to 
thank you for that kind compliment. 

The Chair directed the Secretary to call the roll of States 
on the first ballot for Vice-President. 

The roll was called and the Chairman of each delegation an- 
nounced the vote as follows ■ 



Stevenson. 

Alabama 3 

Arkansas 11 

California 15 

Colorado 8 

Connecticut 9 

Delaware 4 

Florida 4 

Georgia 26 

Idaho 

Illinois 48 

Iowa 26 

Indiana 28 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 

Maine 10 

Smith. 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts 6 

Michigan ' 23 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 18 



Towne. 

5 
3 



Hill 
19 



16 



1 r 

5 
18 



Democratic National Convention. 



183 



Stevenson. Towne. 
Danforth. Hogg. 
Missouri . . 1 1 2 3 3 

Montana 2 

Carr. 

Montana 1 2 

Nebraska 6 10 

Nevada 2 

New Hampshire 8 

New Jersey 

New York 

Carr. 
North Carolina .... 22 
North Dakota 

Patrick. 

Ohio 46 

Oregon 5 

Pennsylvania 64 

Rhode Island 8 

South Carolina 18 

South Dakota 2 

Tennessee 

Texas 30 

Utah 6 

Vermont 8 

Virginia 24 

Washington 

West Virginia 12 

Wisconsin 21 

Wyoming 6 

Alaska 6 

Arizona 5 

Indian Territory 6 

New Mexico 5 1 

Oklahoma 3J 2j 

District of Columbia 6 

Hawaii 



Hill. 
6 

3 

4 

20 

72 



24 



Immediately after the conclusion of the call, the ConVen- 



184 Official Proceedings of the 

tion fell into great confusion, and the chairmen of the various 
delegations began to announce changes for Stevenson. 

Chairman Hale, of North Carolina, withdrew the name of 
General Carr for Stevenson. 

Alabama changed and cast 22 votes for Stevenson. 

Several motions were made to make the nomination of 
Stevenson unanimous, but in the confusion the Chair declined 
to recognize any one. 

Hon. John L. Shea, of New York, announced that the J2 
•^otes of New York would be changed from Hill to Stevenson. 

California changed and cast 18 votes for Stevenson. 

North Dakota changed from Hill to Stevenson. 

Missouri changed her vote and cast 34 for Stevenson. 

Michigan changed and cast here entire vote for Stevenson. 

Nebraska changed and cast 16 votes for Stevenson. 

Delaware changed to Stevenson. 

Hawaii changed to Stevenson. 

Florida changed to Stevenson. 

Oklahoma changed to Stevenson. 

Ohio changed to Stevenson. - 

The Chair recognized Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, 
who said: 

I move to make the nomination of Adlai E. Stevenson unan- 
imous, as candidate of the Democratic party for Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

The Chair informed Senator Tillman that some of the 
States had not changed their vote, and directed the Secretary 
to continue the reading of the; roll, beginning with the State 
of Arkansas. 

Delaware, Idaho, Connecticut and Indiana changed their 
vote to Stevenson. 

When Minnesota was called, the chairman of that delega- 
tion said : 

"The delegation from Minnesota, acting in acccrdance as 
they believe, with the wishes of the Democrats of that State, 
and with the wishes of Mr. Towne himself, change their vote 
at this time, under the circumstances, to Mr. Stevenson." 

Oregon, South Dakota, Wisconsin and Arizona, all changed 
their vote to Stevenson. 



Democratic National Convention. 185 

This completed the changes and the Chair then formally 
announced the result of the vote, saying: 

The Chair desires to say that there have been cast 936 votes 
on this roll call. The Honorable A'dlai E. Stevenson, of Illi- 
nois, has received 936 votes, and is declared the nominee for 
Vice-President. 

The following is the ballot as corrected : 

CORRECTED BALLOT FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 

Total Vote. Stevenson. 

Alabama 22 22 

Arkansas 16 16 

California 18 . 18 

Colorado 8 8 . 

Connecticut 12 12 

Delaware 6 6. 

Florida ' 8 8 

Georgia 26 26 

Idaho 6 6 

Illinois 48 48 

Indiana 30 , 30 

Iowa . 26 26 

Kansas 20 20 

Kentucky 26 26 

Louisiana 16 16 

Maine 12 12 

Maryland 16 16 

Massachusetts .30 30 

Michigan 28 28 

Minnesota - 18 18 

Mississippi ..........;... 18 18 

Missouri 34 34 

Montana 6 . 6 

Nebraska 16 16 

Nevada 6 6 

New Hampshire 8 8 

New lersey 20 20 

New York 72 72 

North Carolina 22 22 



i86 Official Proceedings of the 

Total Vote. Stevenson. 

North Dakota 6 6 

Ohio , , . 46 46 

Oregon 8 8 

Pennsylvania . , . . 64 64 

Rhode Island 8 8 

South Carolina 18 18 

South Dakota .8 , 8 

Tennessee 24 24 

Texas 30 30 

Utah 6 6 

Vermont 8 , 8 

Virginia . 24 24 

Washington 8 8 

West Virginia 12 12 

Wisconsin 24 24 

Wyoming 6 o 

Alaska 6 6 

Arizona 6 6 

District of Columbia 6 , 6 

New Mexico . . 6 6 

Oklahoma 6 6 

Indian Territory 6 6 

Hawaii . . 6 6 

Total 936 936 

The Chair : The Chair desires to say that there is some 
important business that must be necessarily transacted before 
we adjourn. He therefore begs the delegates to give attention. 

The Chair is requested to make the announcement to the 
Convention that the convention known as the Silver Republican 
Convention, which is now in session in this city, has unan- 
imously nominated for President the Honorable William Jen- 
nings Bryan, of Nebraska. 

The Secretary here announced that the new National Com- 
mittee would meet at the Kansas City Club immediately upon 
adjournment of the Convention. 

Hon. J. G. Johnson, of Kansas: There has been a con- 



Democratic. National Convention. 187 

vention of the Negro Democratic League of the United 
States, holding sessions in this city for the last two or three 
days. That Convention has sent a request that its distinguished 
chairman, Hon. J. Milton Turner, of Missouri, be permitted 
to address this Convention. I" move, therefore, that he be re- 
quested to address the Convention for a few minutes. 

The motion was put and carried unanimously. 

The Chairman introduced Mr. Turner, who spoke as fol- 
lows: 

Mr. Chairman : The action taken by this resolution just 
adopted will take from the column of the Republican party, in 
the great States of Indiana, New Jersey, Illinois and New York, 
at least 300,000 negro votes. The hesitancy of the negro has 
been occasioned largely by his apprehension that the Demo- 
cratic party was a ghost in disguise ; but now, in the language 
of that distinguished Nebraskan, who is our leader, he con- 
cludes that he will no longer wear the crown of thorns, pressed 
down by a cross of gold. 

Gentlemen, I have no disposition to detain you, for there 
is no necessity for my saying anything, further than the fact 
that I am satisfied that as the distinguished statesman, Webster 
Davis, has been admitted to your ranks, and Milton Turner 
has also been admitted to the ranks of the Democracy, that 
we will augment by our arguments and speeches the number 
of ballots cast at the election in November, and I have no 
doubt that success will ultimately crown the candidacy of Wil- 
liam Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska, for President, and Adlai E. 
Stevenson, of Illinois, for Vice President. 

Gentlemen, I thank you. 

Mr. Gray : Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer a motion. 

The Chair: The gentleman from Texas desires to make 
a motion. The Convention will be in order. 

Mr. Gray : Your Committee on Credentials filed a re- 
port which was adopted by this Convention seating both dele- 
gations from the District of Columbia, from the Indian Terri- 
tory and from Oklahoma, giving to both rival delegations an 
equal voice in this Convention. It has now been demonstrated 
that it is impossible for those rival delegations to be got 
together by the National Committeemen from those districts. 



1 88 Official Proceedings of the ■ 

Inasmuch as we desire the unity of the Democracy in that 
section, and inasmuch as it is Democratic to have the Demo- 
crats of different sections settle their own difficulties, I now 
move you, Mr. Chairman, that the issue of a selection of the 
Committeemen from these respective districts be by this Con- 
vention referred back to the Democracy of those respective 
districts. 

Mr. Overmeyer, of Kansas : Mr. Chairman : I rise to a 
point of order. 

The Chair: The gentleman from Kansas will please state 
his point of order. : ... 

Mr. Overmeyer : My point is, that no part of the report 
of the Committee on Credentials can be reconsidered without a 
re-consideration of the whole report. 

The Chair: The Chair will rule the point of order is 
not well taken. 

The motion of Mr. Gray was then adopted.. 

The Chair recognized Hon. J. C. Johnson, of Kansas, 
who said : 

Mr. Chairman : At the close of such a Convention as this 
there are certain resolutions giving authority to the National 
Committee, and for other purposes which are invariably in- 
troduced and passed. . I have prepared these resolutions and 
will ask the Secretary to read them one at a time, and will 
then move their adoption. 

The Secretary read the resolutions as follows : 

Resolved, That this Convention congratulate the people of 
Kansas City on the splendid public spirit which they have 
shown in rising from their great calamity in the loss of the 
finest auditorium in the country, and in erecting upon its ashes 
for the use of this Convention this magnificent' structure. It 
stands today a wondrous tribute, not only to perfect Ameri- 
can building art, but to the grit, energy, perseverance and 
public spirit of Kansas City. 

Resolved, That the National Committee are hereby em- 
powered and directed to fix the time and place for holding the 
next National Convention, and that the representation therein 
be the same as fixed by this Convention ; and in its discretion to 



— 



Democratic National Convention. 189 

select as its Chairman and members of the Executive Commit- 
tee persons who are not members of the said National Com- 
mittee. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of this. Convention is hereby 
directed to have prepared and published a full and complete 
report of the official proceedings of this* Convention under the 
direction of the National Committee, and that the National 
Committee authorizes a sufficient number of copies to be dis- 
tributed to the officers and delegates to this Convention and to 
such other persons as may be entitled to receive them. 

Resolved, That the delegates of this Convention hereby 
tender their sincere thanks to the people of Kansas City and 
the local Committee and to all persons who assisted in the ar- 
rangement of the Convention ,the use of this magnificent 
building. 

Resolved, That the National Committee be and it is' hereby 
empowered to fill any and all vacancies which may exist on 
said Committee at the adjournment of this Convention, and to 
fill any vacancy which may occur during the campaign of 1900. 

The foregoing resolutions were unanimously passed. 

Mr. Johnson then presented the following resolutions and 
moved their adoption: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby 
tendered to Hon, Charles S. Thomas, the Temporary Chair- 
man ; the Hon. James D. Richardson, the Permanent Chair- 
man ; the Secretary and the Assistant Secretaries and other 
officers of the Convention, for their efficient services. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are cine and 
are hereby tendered to the Hon. James K. Jones, Chairman of 
the National Committee, and his associates on the outgoing 
Committee, for the able and impartial manner in which they 
have discharged their duties. 

Resolved, That the Permanent Chairman of this Conven- 
tion, Hon. James D. Richardson, be appointed Chairman of 
the Committee to notify Hon. William J. Bryan of his nomi- 
nation for President; and that the Temporarv Chairman, Hon. 
Chas. S. Thomas, he aonointed Chairman of the Committee to 
notifv Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson of his nomination for Vice 
President. 



190 Official Proceedings 

The question on the adoption of the foregoing resolutions 
was put by Mr. Johnson and they were unanimously adopted. 

Hon. James K. Jones: Mr. Chairman: A few minutes 
ago this Convention adopted a resolution, directing the Na- 
tional Committee to fill all vacancies existing in that Commit- 
tee when this Convention adjourned. It was adopted. Prior 
to that time a motion had been adopted directing the reference 
of the dispute in the Indian Territory back to the Territory. I 
move that the vote by which that was adopted be reconsidered 
and laid on the table, so that we can treat all alike. 

The motion offered by Senator Jones was unanimously 
adopted. 

The Chair then recognized Senator Jones, of Arkansas, 
who said : 

Mr. Chairman : I move that this Convention do now ad- 
journ sine die. 

The motion prevailed unanimously, and at 3:17:35 P. M. 
the Chair declared the Convention adjourned sine die. 

OFFICIAL CERTIFICATES. 

Kansas City, Mo., July 6, 1900. 
I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct 
verbatim copy of the proceedings of the Democratic National 
Convention held at Kansas City, Missouri, July 4, 5 and 6, 
1900, except as to clerical errors. 

Convention adjourned at 3:17:35 P. M. 

C. A. Walsh, 
Secretary Democratic National Convention. 

Kansas City, July 6, 1900. 
Received of C. A. Walsh, Secretary of the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention, the foregoing report at 3:17:43 p. m., July 
6, 1900. James D. Richardson, 

Chairman Democratic National Convention. 



APPENDIX. 



ORGANIZATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE OF 1900. 



Kansas City, Mo., July 6, 1900. 

Pursuant to announcement of the Chairman of the Demo- 
cratic National Convention, the members of the Democratic 
National Committee of 1900 met in the parlors of the Kansas 
City Club at 5 o'clock p. m. this day. 

On motion of Hon. J. G. Johnson, of Kansas, Hon. W. J. 
Stone, of Missouri, was elected Temporary Chairman. 

Mr. Edwin Sefton, of Washington, was elected Temporary 
Secretary. 

A call of the roll showed a quorum present. 

The Chair announced that the first business in order would be 
the election of a permanent Chairman. 

The Chair recognized Mr. Taggart, of Indiana, who said : 

Mr. Chairman : Without going into details, I rise for the pur- 
pose of putting in nomination for the position of Chairman of 
this Committee for the ensuing four years Hon. James K. 
Jones, of Arkansas. It is my opinion that Mr. Jones made a bet- 
ter fight in 1896 than almost any other Democrat in the United 
States could have made, and I feel now that he should be our 
leader again in the great campaign to come. 

Senator Jones being the only nominee, on motion, the rules 
were suspended, and he was unanimously elected by acclama- 
tion. 191 . 



192 Appendix. 

The Chair named Messrs. Woodson, Sewell and Taggart as a 
committee to advise the Chairman-elect of his election as Chair- 
man and escort him before the Committee. 

The Committee retired and soon returned escorting Senator 
Jones. 

Mr. Taggart, of the Committee, said : 

Mr. Chairman, and members of the National Committee : It is 
a pleasure for me to introduce to you your new Chairman, or, 
rather, your old Chairman, who has been re-elected by acclama- 
tion. In behalf of the members of the Committee, I desire to 
say to our Chairman-elect that it is our purpose, individually 
and collectively, to uphold his hands in the fight that is coming, 
and I believe that when the 6th of November rolls around we 
will be,glad to greet him with a. smile and congratulate him upon 
the greatest victory the Democratic party has ever achieved. 

Chairman Jones, upon receiving the gavel from the Tempo- 
rary Chairman, expressed his thanks for the honor conferred 
upon him by his re-election as Chairman, referring briefly to the 
contest of 1896 and the able assistance rendered him and the 
party by Messrs. Johnson, Stone, Gufley and other members of 
the Committee who took an active part in that campaign. He 
expressed the opinion that the Democracy would enter the cam- 
paign of 1900 a thousand per cent stronger than it did in 1896, 
and assured the Committee that he would put forth every effort 
in his power to compass the election of the nominees of the Con- 
vention. 

On motion of Mr. Blanchard the rules were suspended, and 
Hon. William J. Stone, of Missouri, was unanimously elected 
Vice-Chairman. 

Mr. Wilson : As a member of the old Committee I think I can 
speak the sentiments of that Committee in testifying to the 
efficiency of our Secretary, I move, therefore, that the Hon. 
C. A. Walsh, of Iowa, be re-elected Secretary. 

The motion was unanimously adopted, and Mr. Walsh was 
declared elected Secretary for the ensuing four years. 

On motion of Mr. Guffey, Colonel John I. Martin, of Mis- 
souri, was unanimously elected Sergeant-at-Arms of the Na- 
tional Committee. 

On motion of Mr. Tillman the Chair was authorized to ap- 



Appendix. 193 

point a Committee of five to confer with the representatives of 
the Silver Republican and Populist organizations. 

On motion of Mr. Johnson the rules adopted by the National 
Committee, at Chicago, in July, 1899, were adopted as the rules 
of this Committee. 

The Chair announced the appointment of Messrs. Tillman, 
Johnson, Williams, Osborn and Wilson as a Special Committee 
to confer with the Silver Republican and Populist organiza- 
tions. 

On motion of Mr. Blanchard the Chairman was authorized to 
appoint a Special Committee, of which the Chair should be ex- 
officio Chairman, to whom should be referred the matter of the 
vacancies from the Indian Territory, the Territory of Okla- 
homa and the District of Columbia, with full charge of the 
whole matter. Their report to be submitted at the next meeting 
of the National Committee. 

At this point a Committee of citizens, headed by Mr. Lentz, 
of Ohio, appeared before the Committee and extended 
an invitation on behalf of the people of Columbus, Ohio, to 
establish the headquarters of the Committee in that city. 

On motion of Mr. McGraw the selection of headquarters was 
referred to the Executive Committee, when appointed, with full 
power to act. 

On motion of Mr. Blanchard the Chairman was authorized to 
appoint the usual Committees and given all the powers exercised 
by the Chairman under the authority of the Committee of 1896. 

Mr. Clayton offered the following resolution, which was 
unanimously adopted : 

Resolved: That we congratulate, and tender our thanks to 
Hon. William R. Hearst on the establishment by him of the 
Chicago American, to advocate Democratic principles and poli- 
cies. 

On motion the following resolution was unanimously 
adopted : 

Resolved: That the thanks of this Committee be tendered to 
the people of Kansas City and the Kansas City Club, and the dif- 
ferent Citizens' Committees, and to all those who took any part 
whatever in the hospitable and courteous treatment extended to 



194 Appendix. 

the Democratic Representatives attending the Convention, and 
to the Democratic Committee, and that the thanks of this Com- 
mittee be also extended to the sub-committee of the National 
Committee having charge of the arrangements for the Con- 
vention, for the successful management of the affairs delegated 
to them. 

On motion the Committee took a recess until 8 130 p. m. 

EVENING SESSION. 

Kansas City, Mo., July 6, 1900. 

The National Committee met pursuant to recess at 8 130 p. m., 
Chairman Jones in the chair. 

A call of the roll showed a quorum present. 

The Chair called attention to the fact that the matter of Treas- 
urership of the National Committee had been overlooked in the 
election of officers. 

On motion the Chairman was authorized to appoint a Treas- 
urer of the Committee. 

Chairman Jones announced the appointment of Hon. M. F. 
Dunlap, Jacksonville, 111., as Treasurer. 

On motion the Chair was authorized to increase the number 
of the Conference Committee to confer with the Silver Repub- 
licans and Populists to nine members. 

The Chair announced the appointment of Messrs, Tarpey, 
O'Brien, Ryan (of Wisconsin) and Senter as the additional 
members of the Conference Committee. 

On motion the Committee adjourned until 10 o'clock a. m. 
July 7. 

MORNING SESSION. 

Kansas City., Mo., July 7, 1900. 

The National Committee met pursuant to adjournment at 10 
o'clock a. m., Chairman Jones presiding. 

A call of the roll showed a quorum present. 

On motion of Mr. Tillman the Chair was authorized to ap- 
point a Joint Campaign or Conference Committee for the ensu- 
ing campaign to be composed of Democrats, Silver Republicans 
and Populists. 



Appendix. iQfi 

On motion of Mr. Clayton the Chairman was directed to issue 
an address in behalf of the Committee to the people of the 
United States at as early a date as practicable. 

No further business appearing, on motion of Mr. Daniels,, 
the Committee adjourned subject to the call of the Chair. 

DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF I9OO. 

The following is the official roll of the Democratic National 
Committee of 1900 elected by the National Convention at Kan - 
sas City July 4, 1900 : 

Alabama — Henry D. Clayton, Eufaula. 

Arkansas — James P. Clark, Little Rock. 

California — M. F. Tarpey, Alameda. 

Colorado — Adair Wilson, Denver. 

Connecticut — Homer S. Cummings, Stamford. 

Delaware — R. R. Kenney, Dover. 

Florida — Geo. P. Raney, Tallahassee. 

Georgia — Clark Howell, Atlanta. 

Idaho— E. M. Wolfe, Mountain Home. 

Illinois — Thomas Gahan, Chicago. 

Indiana — Thomas Taggart, Indianapolis. 

Iowa — C. A. Walsh, Ottumwa. 

Kansas — -J. G. Johnson, Peabody. 

Kentucky — Wrey Woodsen, Owensboro. 

Louisiana — N. C. Blanchard, Shreveport. 

Maine — Arthur Sewall, Bath. 

Maryland — Arthur P. Gorman, Laurel. 

Massachusetts — George Fred W'illiams^ Boston. 

Michigan — Daniel J. Campau, Detroit. 

Minnesota — T. D. O'Brien, St. Paul. 

Mississippi — A. J. Russell, Meridian, B. 523. 

Missouri — William J. Stone, St. Louis. 

Montana — John S. M. Neill, Helena. 

Nebraska — James C. Dahlman, Omaha. 

Nevada — J. R. Ryan, Virginia City. 

New Hampshire — True L. Norris, Portsmouth. 

New Jersey — W. B. Gourley, Paterson. 

New York — Norman E. Mack, Buffalo. 

North Carolina — Josephus Daniels, Raleigh. 



196 Appendix. 

North Dakota — J. B. Eaton, Fargo. 

Ohio — John R. McLean, Cincinnati. 

Oregon — M. A. Miller, Lebanon. 

Pennsylvania — J. M. Guffey, Pittsburg. 

Rhode Island — Geo. W. Green, Woonsocket. 

South Carolina — B. R. Tillmanj Trenton. 

South Dakota — Maris Taylor, Huron. 

Tennessee — James M. Head, Nashville. 

Texas — R. M. Johnston, Houston. 

Utah — David C. Dunbar, Salt Lake. 

Vermont — John H. Senter, Montpelier. 

Virginia — Peter J. Otey, Lynchburg. 

Washington— W. H. Dunphy, Walla Walla. 

West Virginia — John T. McGraw, Grafton. 

Wisconsin — T. E. Ryan, Waukesha. 

Wyoming — John E. Osborne, Rawlins. 

Alaska — Louis L. Williams, Juneau. 

Arizona — J. A. Breathitt, Tuscon. 

^Oklahoma. 

*Indian Territory. 

New Mexico — H. B. Furgusson, Albuquerque. 

^District of Columbia. 

Hawaii — Wm. H. Cornwell, Honolulu. 



♦Owing to contests which existed in Oklahoma, Indian Territory and 
District of Columbia, the National Convention did not choose Commit- 
teemen for the e Territories and the district of Columbia. The matter 
was referred to the National Committee with power to act. See pro- 
ceedings of National Convention at Kansas City, July 6, 1900. 



NOTIFICATION SPEECH OF HON. JAMES D. RICHARD- 
SON AT MILITARY PARK, INDIANAPOLIS, 
IND., AUG. 8, 1900. 



It is a matter of congratulation to us all that we stand on 
this auspicious occasion, and are conducting these interesting 
ceremonies on the soil of a great commonwealth, made his- 
toric in a large part by reason of having produced, and de- 
veloped among many others such stalwart Democrats and 
patriots as Hendricks, McDonald, Voorhees, Gray and Hol- 
mon. No more appropriate spot in America could have been 
chosen for the duty we are discharging. 

Mr. Bryan : On the one hundred and twenty-fourth anni- 
versary of the birth of this Republic there assembled in Kan- 
sas City the most intensely American convention that ever 
came together in its history. This great body was made up 
of men from every State and Territory in the Union. They 
came from their several districts filled with unfeigned enthu- 
siasm for the inspiring cause which brought them together. 
Their seven millions of constituents had empowered them to 
frame a platform of principles, and select a candidate for Presi- 
dent, and Vice President of the United States in what they 
conceived to be the supremest political crisis that ever came to 
our country. These delegates all realized that the Republic is 
in peril. They felt that the duty was theirs to take such 
action as would rescue the State from the gulf of Imperial- 
ism, in which it had been plunged, and thus preserve for 
themselves and posterity unimpaired the priceless blessings of 
free government and civil liberty. You see before you today 
a committee of delegates from that convention and for whom 

197 



398 Appendix. 

I speak, upon which is represented each State and Territory, 
whose duty it is to convey to you in a formal manner a notifi- 
cation that the august body I have mentioned acting for its 
members, their constituents, and for all who love and cherish 
liberty everywhere, with no dissenting voice chose you as the 
candidate for President, and adopted a platform of principles 
upon which the campaign we are now inaugurating shall be 
conducted. 

The declaration of party principles enunciated, I now have 
the honor to present to you. Here the duties of our commit- 
tee might with propriety end, but I beg indulgence for a few 
moments. 

The delegates assembled at Kansas City did not take hasty 
action. Their conduct was characterized by the greatest firm- 
ness and determination. In the alarming conditions which 
the country has been placed by the recent weak, vacillating and 
un-American administration at Washington, they realized, as 
do our fellow citizens generally that a change of men and 
policies is imperiously demanded. They proceeded deliber- 
ately, and chose you to lead in the battle for the restoration of 
the true political faith. 

Four years, ago you led the party in the most brilliant 
contest it has ever experienced. You then failed to win the 
goal, the Presidency, but, you did more; you won the respect 
and admiration of your political foes, and the ardent love and 
devotion of your followers. That contest was made by you 
against stupendous odds, in the face of a hostile press, and 
with unhappy divisions in your ranks. I congratulate you 
and the country that all these tin fortunate conditions do not 
confront you today. It is true you were then bitterly, some- 
times, wantonly assailed, and when partisan rancor ran high 
occasionally coarse things were said of you and your party. 
But you and they survived them all and were perhaps stronger 
for them. We trust this campaign will be pitched on a higher 
plane, and that it will be conducted in a manner worthy of 
the great dignity which attaches to the two most exalted offices 
at stake. 

It is true that you and your party friends have already 
been characterized as dishonest and lawless at home, and as 



Appendix. 199 

cowards abroad. I feel sure, however, it will stop at this, or 
at least if such hyperbolic flowers of speech are used at all it 
will be in rare instances, and only then by some one whose 
coarse manners before the public are equaled only by the 
roughness of his riding habit. 

During the eventful and exciting campaign of 1896 you 
were constantly before the public. The eyes of the Nation 
were fixed upon you and your utterances as they were never 
before upon a public man. Then, and at all times since you 
have been under a light as glaring as the sun at high noon, yet 
no flaw of dishonor or cowardice is pointed out in your record 
by any foe. Review and criticism have wholly failed to injure 
or weaken you in public esteem. And now you are, with abso- 
lute unanimity by every State, Territory and District in the 
Union made the candidate of a reunited, aggressive and har- 
monious party. You are by all real Americans regarded as the 
best exponent of the faith of our fathers which was articled 
in the Declaration of Independence, and sealed by the blood 
of patriots. We solemnly affirm that, by the faithful, it is yet 
venerated as the grandest charter of human rights and human 
liberty ever devised by man. The lust of greed and power 
preaches contempt for its superb doctrine, but we hold it as 
the only guiding star by which our ship of state can be safely 
sailed. We know that it has served our purpose well and glor- 
iously until of late, when another star, the star of Imperialism, 
has been selected as the guide for our course. 

The platform which I have handed you is a new Declara- 
tion of Independence. You will see it takes no step backward 
upon any issue of party creed heretofore promulgated. It 
solemnly affirms that the question of Imperialism, is the para- 
mount issue of this campaign. This declaration did not make 
it so, but only gave recognition to an admitted fact. The Re- 
publicans have made it the issue which in this campaign over- 
tops all others. They may well endeavor to run away from it. 
as they are doing, but they cannot escape it. "By their fruits 
ye shall know them," was the best philosophy nineteen hundred 
years ago, and it is the best now. 

Imperialism consists in levying upon the people and col- 
lecting from them unequal taxes. It consists in levying taxes 



200 Appendix. 

on one territory of the United States, and not levying the same 
on other portions thereof. The Constitution says that all taxes 
shall be uniform throughout the United States. The power to 
tax is the power to destroy. When those in power proceed as 
they have done by recent acts of Congress, to construct a tariff 
wall around one territory and thus exclude its product from 
other Territories and States of the Union, seek to evade it 
as they may, they exercise Imperial power. No king or em- 
peror can do more. They cannot do the acts and deeds which 
only can be done in a kingdom or an empire and say they are 
not Imperialists, and that there is no issue of Imperialism. 
The platform declares that Imperialism means conquest 
abroad, and oppression at home; it means the strong arm of 
the military and its concomitant, a great standing army, which 
has ever been fatal to all free institutions. It was this that 
drove from Europe to our shores millions of our fellow citi- 
zens, and which is a constant menace to the liberties of the 
people. Large standing armies have no place in a Republic. 
An Imperial government can only be maintained by brute force, 
and without militarism Imperialism cannot exist. The union 
or mating of the two brings forth Caesarism, whether under 
that or some other name. Imperialism means death to Democ- 
racy and Republicanism. It means more swords and fewer 
plowshares and fewer pruning hooks. 

In the great battle upon us, we will make the fight thickest 
and hottest upon this monster Imperialism, which always feeds 
upon the life blood of liberty. The cause you represent, sir, 
is hurrianity. The highest duty of humanity is to help others 
to be free. The just punishment of a people that enslave and 
rule over another, is the loss of their own liberty, for a 
Democracy cannot be an Empire and remain both. 

The platform also declares unceasing warfare in Nation, 
State and city against trusts and private monopolies in every 
form. This declaration means that the laws now on the statute 
books against this growing evil must be enforced by honest 
and competent officials and that there shall be enacted other 
laws efficient enough to completely eovern and control all 
trusts and monopolies. The baneful effects of these organiza- 
tions cannot be estimated or described. They have grown up 



Appendix. 201 

under the fostering care of the party now in power, which has 
completely controlled all the law-making authority for nearly 
four years. By its inaction this party confesses its inability or 
disinclination, either of which is criminal, to deal with the 
trusts. If the people, therefore, would put a curb on the trusts 
they must vote the government out of the hands of the trusts. 
We recently saw a Republican Congress surrender the com- 
bination of the Treasury vaults to the armor plate trust one 
day, and on a different day, for the benefit of another trust 
withdraw the Constitution from our newly acquired territory. 
The trusts now count the United States as one of their assets. 
They claim to own Congress. Self-control is a great attribute. 
These trusts, therefore, are in favor of the regulation of 
trusts by a Congress controlled by the trusts. In other words, 
the trusts will trust the Congressional trust to control the 
trusts. The serious objection to trusts is that by their methods 
they are rapidly acquiring all the business of the country. They 
have driven out of business by their methods tens of thou- 
sands of heretofore prosperous establishments trading in a 
comparatively small way. The prosperity which they have 
created is Republican prosperity, and not the prosperity of 
the masses of the people, or as the vast body known as the 
middle classes. They multiply the fortunes of a few until 
they are many time millionaires. One of our trust magnates 
boasts that he intends to die a billionaire. Still the sweatshops 
increase, and the wage of those in the rural districts barely 
sustains life. 

The friends of the trusts, and those who are their imme- 
diate beneficiaries do not hesitate to assert that the day of the 
individual has passed. This being admitted then the day of the 
monopoly, the syndicate, the combine, and the mother of these, 
the trusts, is come. The man full of true American vim and 
vigor, brains, skill and energy is to count as nothing in the 
eternal fight for bread, and the unfeeling, soulless and heart- 
less corporation is to rule. Financial independence among the 
prosperous middle classes and merchants of modern means 
will depart, and they are to be driven into financial obscurity 
and ruin. This is an alarmingly unhealthy condition, unjust to 
the great majority of the people, and altogether un-American. 

If this fashion continues, ere long only a few masters will 



202 Appendix. 

grasp the whole domain. The well-to-do and contented citi- 
zens will be dispossessed, and in the place of happy homes, un- 
wieldy wealth and cumbrous pomp will repose. The rich 
man's wealth will increase, while the poor will decay, and all 
will realize how wide the limit stands between a splendid and a 
happy land. 

Under the new policy ef the ruling party our country will 
go on dominated by trusts, and the widespread and almost uni- 
versal prosperity hitherto pervading the middle classes, and 
which was peculiarly characteristic of America will become 
an unhappy reminiscence. The simple government of our 
fathers will be supplemented by the trust-ridden Empire and 
all will give way to the new order of things, founded on gold, 
grandeur, greed and glory. 

Our platform quoted, with hearty approval, the following 
words of Thomas Jefferson : "Peace, commerce and honest 
friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none.'' 
These words were not idle or meaningless when first uttered, 
nor are they now. The Republican party has not kept and is 
not keeping peace with other nations. It has entered into an 
entangling alliance, which threatens to involve us, and which 
will, in the end, inevitably lead us to bloody wars. They have, 
as a part of their policy, made an alliance with Great Britain, 
which, at present, for prudential reasons only, they seek to 
conceal, but the fact is apparent. It may not have the solem- 
nity of a formal alliance, but it is a secret understanding and 
agreement. If this were not true, why was it that the Hay- 
Pauncefote treaty was negotiated; a treaty which abandons, 
and virtually abrogates the Monroe doctrine. Other evidences 
of the fact are manifest in the startling declaration made by 
one high in party councils in Congress that our next war is to 
be with Germany, England's most powerful rival ; in the dis- 
tribution by the administration through two or more of the 
bureaus of the government of English literature highly favor- 
able to England in her contest with the Boer Republics, and 
still further facts that might be mentioned. 

England is anxiously seeking a closer friendship with us. 
If we accept her overtures and depart from our traditional 
policy of treating all nations impartially, we may gain her 



Appendix. 203 

good will, but it will be at the expense of incurring the ill-will 
of all other nations with whom we should live in peace and 
friendship. While for the reason I have mentioned or from 
timidity the administration denies that such an alliance exists 
with England. The voice of the latter nation is bolder, and 
her object is openly avowed. In a public speech startling in 
its character, her Secretary of State for the Colonies (Cham- 
berlain) not long since said: "The time has arrived when 
Great Britain may be confronted by a combination of powers, 
and our first duty, therefore, is to draw all parts of the Empire 
into close unity, and our next to maintain the bonds of perman- 
ent unity with our kinsmen across the Atlantic. There is a 
powerful and generous nation speaking our language, bred of 
our race, and having interests identical with ours. I would 
go so far as to say that as terrible as war may be, even war 
itself would be cheaply purchased if in a great and noble cause 
the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack should wave to- 
gether over an Anglo-Saxon alliance." If the administration 
is not openly it is covertly, but none the less certainly leading 
up to such an alliance as is described. What have our pa- 
triotic citizens, born in lands other than England, to say in 
such an exigency? We are opposed to all discrimination 
against other fatherlands in favor of Great Britain. There is 
no reason why England, or any other nation, should be sin- 
gled out to become a special object of favoritism on our part. 

The immortal Washington in his farewell address says: 
"Nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate 
antipathy against particular nations and passionate attachments 
in others should be excluded, and that in place of them just 
and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated." 

I cannot without trespassing upon the propriety of this 
occasion further discuss, or even make mention of the other 
issues of the campaign. The vast multitude before us is im- 
patient and eager to catch the first utterance of your lips and 
hang on your eloquent words. 

I need not tell you that we will follow wherever you lead, 
knowing that there never was, and cannot be a sublimer duty 
than that of defending and encouraging freedom at home and 
championing it abroad. 



204 Appendix. 

Our platform is America. It was constructed by Ameri- 
cans for Americans, native and foreign born. It is Democratic 
and all who love liberty and despise tyranny can stand upon 
it and support our nominees. 

We know that we can, with entire confidence, make appeal 
to the people for our country's rescue, in this hour of her peril. 
We appeal to all who loathe Imperialism, and venerate our 
Constitution. We appeal to all who despise militarism and 
love liberty. We appeal to all who oppose high war taxes in 
time of peace, and other increase of taxes, and who favor a 
just system of revenue collection, and all who, in every way 
oppose unequal taxation. We appeal to all who favor our 
hitherto free institutions and equal opportunity for all under 
the law. We appeal. to all who are willing to resist the ever- 
increasing oppression and robbery of the trusts and monop- 
olies. We appeal to all who favor a bimetallic standard of gold 
and silver as against a monometallic standard of either of the 
metals. We appeal to all who are opposed to the criminal ag- 
gression of forcible annexation, and who do not favor having 
our flag float with its protecting aegis over Sulu slaves and 
Oriental harems. We appeal, in short,, to all patriots and 
lovers of liberty, regardless of past party affiliations, to enlist 
in our cause, and help triumphantly to bear our banner. 

In this unparalleled contest we pledge you the earnest, zeal- 
ous, unbought, unfaltering and enthusiastic support of seven 
million voters of the Republic as you go forth to battle, and 
as the Constitution of our beloved land should follow its flag, 
so this undismayed and unconquerable band of patriots will 
follow you as you bear their flag to victory in November. 



MR. BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE AT MILITARY 
PARK, INDIANAPOLIS, IND., 
AUG. 8, 1900. 



Mr. Chairman, and Members of the Notification Commit- 
tee: I shall, at an early day, and in a more formal manner, 
accept the nomination which you tender, and I shall at that time 
discuss the various questions covered by the Democratic plat- 
form. It may not be out of place, however, to submit a few 
observations at this time upon the general character of the con- 
test before us and upon the question which is' declared to be 
of paramount importance in this campaign. 

When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest between 
Democracy on the one hand and plutocracy on the other I do 
not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately chosen 
to give to organized wealth a predominating influence in the 
affairs of the Government, but I do assert that on the important 
issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those 
influences which constantly tend to substitute the worship of 
mammon for the protection of the rights of man. 

In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican party believed in 
the man and the dollar, but that in case of conflict it believed 
in the man before the dollar. This is the proper relation which 
should exist between the two. Man, the handiwork of God, 
comes first ; money, the handiwork of man, is of inferior im- 
portance. Man is the master, money the servant, but upon all 
important questions today Republican legislation tends to make 
money the master and man the servant. 

The maxim of Jefferson, "equal rights to all and special 
privileges to none," and the doctrine of Lincoln that this should 

205 






2o6 Appendix. 

be a government "of the people, by the people and for the peo- 
ple", are being disregarded and the instrumentalities of gov- 
ernment are being used to advance the interests of those who 
are in a position to secure favors from the government. 

The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest 
acquisition of wealth; it has no desire to discourage industry, 
economy and thrift. On the contrary, it gives to every citizen 
the greatest possible stimulus to honest toil when it promises 
him protection in the enjoyment of the proceeds of his labor. 
Property rights are most secure when human rights are most 
respected. Democracy strives for civilization in which every 
member of society will share according to his merits. 

No one has a right to expect from society more than a fair 
compensation for the services which he renders to society. If 
he secured more it is at the expense of some one else. It is no 
injustice to him to prevent his doing injustice to another. To 
him who would, either through class legislation or in the 
absence of necessary legislation, trespass upon the rights of 
another the Democratic party says, "Thou shalt not." 

Against us are arrayed a comparatively small but politic- 
ally and financially powerful number who really profit by Re- 
publican policies ; but with them are associated a large number 
who, because of their attachment to their party name, are giv- 
ing their support to doctrines antagonistic to the former teach- 
ings of their own party. 

Republicans who used to advocate bimetallism now try to 
convince themselves that the gold standard is good ; Republic- 
ans who were formerly attached to the greenback are now seek- 
ing an excuse for giving national banks control of the Nation's 
paper money ; Republicans who used to boast that the Repub- 
lican party was paying of! the national debt are now looking 
for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; Re- 
publicans who formerly abhorred a trust now beguile them- 
selves with the delusion that there are good trusts and bad 
trusts, while, in their minds, the line between the two is be- 
coming more and more obscure ; Republicans who, in times 
past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of 
our standing army, are now making light of the objections 
which are urged against a large increase in the permanent mili- 



Appendix. 207 

tary establishment ; Republicans who gloried in our independ- 
ence when the nation was less powerful now look with favor 
upon a foreign alliance ; Republicans who three years ago con- 
demned " forcible annexation" as immoral and even criminal 
are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to oppose 
forcible annexation. That partisanship has already blinded 
many to present dangers is certain ; how large a portion of the 
Republican party can be drawn over to the new policies remains 
to be seen. 

For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to 
opponents the right to criticise the Philippine policy of the ad- 
ministration, but upon investigation they found that both Lin- 
coln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticise a 
President during the progress of the Mexican war. 

Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear 
and positive plan for dealing with the Philippine question, the 
Republican convention adopted a platform the larger part of 
which was devoted to boasting and self-congratulation. 

In attempting to press economic questions upon the country 
to the exclusion of those which involve the very structure of 
our government, the Republican leaders give new evidence of 
their abandonment of the earlier ideals of the party and of their 
complete subserviency to pecuniary considerations. 

But they shall not be permitted to evade the stupendous 
and far-reaching issue which they have deliberately brought 
into the arena of politics. When the President, supported by 
a practically unanimous vote of the House and Senate, entered 
upon a war with Spain for the purpose of aiding the struggling 
patriots of Cuba, the country,' without regard to party, ap- 
plauded. 

Although the Democrats realized that the administration 
would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct 
of a war which in the very nature of the case must soon end 
in a complete victory, they view with the Republicans in the 
support which they gave to the President. When the war was 
over and the Republican leaders began to suggest the pro- 
priety of a colonial policy opposition at once manifested itself. 

When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty 
which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for 



208 Appendix. 

the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States, the 
menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred 
to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might follow rather 
than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by 
the independent action of this country. 

I was among the number of those who believed it better 
to ratify the treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, re- 
move the excuse for war expenditures and then give the 
Filipinos the independence which might be forced from Spain 
by a new treaty. 

In view of the criticism which my action aroused in some 
quarters, I take this occasion to restate the reasons given at 
that time. I thought it safer to trust the American people to 
give independence to the Filipinos than to trust the accom- 
plishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly 
nation. 

Lincoln embodied an argument in the question when he 
asked, "Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make 
laws ?" I believe that we are now in a better position to wage 
a successful contest against imperialism than we would have 
been had the treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified a 
clean-cut issue is presented between a government by consent 
and a government by force, and imperialists must bear the 
responsibility for all that happens until the question is settled. 

If the treaty had been rejected the opponents of imperialism 
would have been held responsible for any international com- 
plications which might- have arisen before the ratification of 
another treaty. But whatever difference of opinion may have 
existed as to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, 
there never was any difference as to the great importance of 
the question and there is no difference now as to the course to 
be pursued. 

The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to 
deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The 
Bacon resolution, in trodueed a month before hostilities broke 
out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the 
same terms that it was promised to the Cubans. I supported 
this resolution and believe that its adoption prior to the break- 
ing out of hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, and 



ArPENDix. 209 

that its adoption at any subsequent time would have ended hos- 
tilities. 

If the treaty had been rejected considerable time would 
have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been 
agreed upon and ratified, and during that time the question 
would have been agitating the public mind. If the Bacon 
resolution had been adopted by the Senate and carried out by 
the President, either at the time of the ratification of the treaty 
or at any time afterwards, it would have taken the question 
of imperialism out of politics and left the American people 
free to deal with their domestic problems. But the resolution 
was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and 
from that time to this a Republican Congress has refused to 
take any action whatever in the matter. 

When hostilities broke out at Manila Republican speakers 
and Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon 
those who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, dur- 
ing the progress of the war, the same Republicans have ac- 
cused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to 
the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of responsibility. 

If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine 
Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the gov- 
ernment of colonies, the Republican party ought to state its 
position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to 
protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their 
ability. 

The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Ameri- 
cans now living. Our whole history has been an encourage- 
ment, not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice 
in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to 
censure all who have used language calculated to make the Fili- 
pinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of 
Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, 
"Give me liberty or give me death," he expressed a sentiment 
which still echoes in the hearts of men. 

Let them censure Jefferson ; of all the statesmen of his- 
torv none have used words so offensive to those who would 
hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure 
Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose be- 



210 Appendix. 

tween liberty and slavery. Or, if the statute of limitations has 
run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, 
let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be 
quoted in defense of popular government when the present 
advocates of force and conquest are forgotten. 

Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be 
recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its 
ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate 
every word written or spoken in defense of the principles set 
forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest 
would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God 
himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. 
He never made a race of people so low in the scale of civiliza- 
tion or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master. 

Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of 
empire must consider not only the effect of imperialism on the 
Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon our own 
nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government 
in the Philippines without weakening that principle here. 

Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was not in its 
fleets, its armies, its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty 
as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere, and he 
warned his countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit 
without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors. 

Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence 
of imperialism. Heretofore this nation has been prompt to ex- 
press its sympathy with those who were fighting for civil lib- 
erty. While our sphere of activity has been limited to the west- 
ern hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the 
seas. We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well 
as to those who were struggling for the right to govern them- 
selves, to proclaim the interest which our people have, from 
the date of their own independence, felt in every contest be- 
tween human rights and arbitrary power. 

Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was 
small, the struggles of Greece aroused our people, and Webster 
and Clay gave eloquent expression to the universal desire for 
Grecian independence. In 1896 all parties manifested a lively 
interest in the success of the Cubans, but now when a war is in 



Appendix. 211 

progress in South Africa, which must result in the extension 
of the monarchical idea, or in the triumph of a republic, the 
advocates of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in 
behalf of the Boers. 

Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriend- 
liness towards England ; the American people are not unfriend- 
ly toward the people of any nation. This sympathy is due to 
the fact that, as stated in our platform, we believe in the prin- 
ciples of -self-government and reject, as did our forefathers, 
the claims of monarchy. If this nation surrenders its belief in 
the universal application of the principles set forth in the Dec- 
laration of Independence, it will lose the prestige and influence 
which it has enjoyed among the nations as an exponent of 
popular government. 

Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, 
seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even 
dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jef- 
ferson spoke so freely and used language with such precision 
that no one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he 
declared : "If there be one principle more deeply rooted than 
any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should 
have nothing to do with conquest." And again he said : "Con- 
quest is not in our principles ; it is inconsistent with our gov- 
ernment." 

The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbi- 
trary power differs as much from the acquisition of terri- 
tory to be built up into states as a monarchy differs from 
a democracy. The Democratic party does not oppose expan- 
sion when expansion enlarges the area of the Republic and 
incorporates land which can be settled by American citizens, 
or adds to our population people who are willing to become 
citzens and are capable of discharging their duties as such. 

The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, Texas 
and other tracts which have been secured from time to time 
enlarged the Republic and the Constitution followed the flag 
into the new territory. It is now proposed to seize upon dis- 
tant territory already more densely populated than our own 
country and to force upon the people a government for which 
there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws. 



212 Appendix. 

Even the argument that this earth belongs to those who de- 
sire to cultivate it and who have the physical power to acquire 
it cannot be invoked to justify the appropriation of the Philip- 
pine islands by the United States. If the islands were unin- 
habited American citizens would riot be willing to go there and 
till the soil. The white race will not live so near the equator. 
Other nations have tried to colonize in the same latitude. The 
Netherlands have controlled Java for three hundred years and 
yet today there are less than sixty thousand people of Euro- 
pean birth scattered among the twenty-five million natives. 

After a century and a half of English domination in India, 
less than one-twentieth of one per cent of the people of India 
are of English birth, and it requires an army of seventy thou- 
sand British soldiers to take care of the tax collectors. Spain 
had asserted title to the Philippine Islands for three centuries, 
and yet when our fleet entered Manila bay there were less than 
ten thousand Spaniards residing in the Philippines. 

A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine 
Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters and a few office- 
holders and an army large enough to support the authority of 
a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives. 

If we have an imperial policy we must have a great stand- 
ing army as its natural and necessary complement. The spirit 
which will justify the forcible annexation of the Philippine 
Islands will justify the seizure of other islands and the domi- 
nation of other people, and with wars of conquest we can ex- 
pect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establish- 
ment. 

That a large permanent increase in our regular army is in- 
tended by Republican leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but 
a matter of fact. In his message of December 5, 1898, the 
President asked for authority to increase the standing army to 
100,000. In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within 
two years the President asked for four times that many, and a 
Republican house of Representatives complied with the request 
after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no country 
was at war with the United States. 

Tf such an army is demanded when an imperial policy is 
contemplated, but not openly avowed, what may be expected if 



Appendix. 213 

the people encourage the Republican party by indorsing its 
policy at the polls ? 

A large standing army is not only a pecuniary burden to 
the people, and, if accompanied by compulsory service, a con- 
stant source of irritation, but it is even a menace to a republic- 
an form of government. 

The army is the personification of force, and militarism will 
inevitably change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts 
of our young men from the arts of peace to the science of war. 
The government which relies for its defense upon its citizens 
is more likely to be just than one which has at call a large body 
of professional soldiers. 

A small standing army and a well-equipped and well-dis- 
ciplined state militia are sufficient at ordinary times, and in an 
emergency the nation should in the future as in the past place 
its dependence upon the volunteers who come from all occupa- 
tions at their country's call and return to productive labor when 
their services are no longer required — men who fight when the 
country needs fighters and work when the country needs work- 
ers. 

The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Is- 
lands will be retained under American sovereignty, and we 
have a right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion 
of the future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a 
subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten 
million Asiatics, so different from us in race and history that 
amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with us in 
making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No 
Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate 
such a proposition. 

The McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate imme- 
diately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly negatives 
this idea. The Democratic platform describes the situation 
when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens without en- 
dangering our civilization. Who will dispute it ? And what 
is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall 
we make him a subject. On that question the Democratic plat- 
form speaks with equal emphasis. It declares that the Fili- 
pino cannot be a subject without endangering our form of gov- 



214 Appendix. 

ernment. A Republic can have no subjects. A subject is pos- 
sible only in a government resting upon force ; he is unknown 
in a government deriving its just powers from the consent of 
the governed. 

The Republican platform says that "the largest measure 
of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties 
shall be secured to them (the Filipinos) by law." This is a 
strange doctrine for a government which owes its very exist- 
ence to the men who offered their lives as a protest against gov- 
ernment without consent and taxation without representation. 

In what respect does the position of the Republican party 
differ from the position taken by the English government in 
1776? Did not the English government promise a good gov- 
ernment to the colonists? What king ever promised a bad 
government to his people? Did not the English government 
promise that the colonists should have the largest measure of 
self-government consistent with their welfare and English 
duties? Did not the Spanish government promise to give the 
Cubans the largest measure of self-government con- 
sistent with their welfare and Spanish duties? The 
whole difference between a Monarchy and a Re- 
public may be summed up in one sentence. In a Monarchy 
the King gives to the people what he believes to be a good gov- 
ernment ; in a Republic the people secure for themselves 
what they believe to be a good government. 

The Republican party has accepted the European idea and 
planted itself upon the ground taken by George III., and by 
every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self- 
government or denies them a voice in their own affairs. 

The Republican platform promises that some measure of 
self-government is to be given the Filipinos by law ; but even 
this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen months elapsed after 
the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of Con- 
gress last June and yet no law was passed dealing with the 
Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the 
only law in the Philippine Islands wherever the American au- 
thority extends. 

Why does the Republican party hesitate to legislate upon 
the Philippine question? Because a law would disclose the 



Appendix. 215 

radical departure from history and precedent contemplated by 
those who control the Republican party. The storm of pro- 
test which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an indication of 
what may be expected when the American people are brought 
face to face with legislation upon this subject. 

If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be 
denied the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the 
lot of the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret in- 
fluences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward 
friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will 
those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles 
away? If, in this country where the people have a right to 
vote, Republican leaders dare not take the side of the people 
against the great monopolies which have grown up within the 
last few years, how can they be trusted to protect the Filipinos 
from the corporations which are waiting to exploit the islands ? 

Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the peo- 
ple of the United States, and the twilight of semi-citizenship 
endured by the people of Porto Rico, while the thick darkness 
of perpetual vassalage covers the Philippines ? The Porto Rico 
tariff law asserts the doctrine that the operation of the Con- 
stitution is confined to the forty-five States. 

The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and denounces 
it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of our organic law. 
There is no place in our system of government for the deposit 
of arbitrary and irresistible power. That the leaders of a great 
party should claim for any President or Congress the right 
to treat millions of people as mere "possessions" and deal with 
them unrestrained by the Constitution or the bill of rights 
shows how far we have already departed from the ancient land- 
marks and indicates what may be expected if this nation de- 
liberately enters upon a career of empire. 

The territorial form of government is temporary and pre- 
paratory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory has is 
found in the fact that he enjoys the same constitutional guar- 
antees and is subject to the same general laws as the citizen 
of a state. Take away this security and his rights will be vio- 
lated and his interests sacrificed at the demand of those who 



216 Appendix. 

have political influence. This is the evil of the colonial sys- 
tem, no matter by what nation it is applied. 

What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold 
them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we 
take them ? Did we purchase the people ? If not, how did we 
secure title to them ? Were they thrown in with the land ? Will 
the Republicans say that inanimate earth has value but that 
when that earth is molded by the divine hand and stamped with 
the likeness of the Creator it becomes a fixture and passes 
with the soil? If governments derive their just powers. from 
the consent of the governed, it is impossible to secure title to 
people, either by force or by purchase. 

We could extinguish Spain's title by treaty, but if we hold 
title we must hold it by some method consistent, with our ideas 
of government. When we made allies of the Filipinos and 
armed them to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's title. If 
we buy Spain's title we are not innocent purchasers. 

There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the 
services of the Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full 
knowledge that they were fighting for their own independence, 
and I submit that history furnishes no example of turpitude 
baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish 
yoke. 

Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given 
in support of an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our 
duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an argu- 
ment; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is, in 
any emergency, we must apply well settled and generally ac- 
cepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter 
whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is 
our duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where the 
human being lives or to what race or class he belongs. 

Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon indi- 
viduals to observe both the human and the moral law, but as 
some deny the application of those laws to nations, it may not 
be out of place to quote the opinions of others. Jefferson, than 
whom there is no higher political authority, said : 

"I know of but one code of morality for men, whether act- 
ing singly or collectively." 



Appendix. 217 

Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of 
the priceless legacy bequeathed to us from the revolutionary 
,days, expressed the same idea in even stronger language when 
he said : 

"Justice is strictly due between neighbor nations as between 
neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when 
he plunders in a gang as when single; and the nation that 
makes an unjust war is only a great gang." 

Many may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare 
to do as individuals, but the moral character of an act is not de- 
termined by the number of those who join it. Force can de- 
fend a right, but force has never yet created a right. If it was 
true, as declared in the resolutions of intervention, that the 
Cubans "are and of right ought to be free and independent" 
(language taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is 
equally true that the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free 
and independent." 

The right of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon 
their proximity to the United States, nor upon the language 
which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they 
belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared 
that the principles enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were 
still alive and applicable to the Cubans. Who will draw a line; 
between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos? 
Who will say that the former has a right to liberty and that 
the latter has no rights which we are bound to respect ? And, if 
the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and independ- 
ent," what right have we to force our government upon them 
without their consent? Before our duty can be ascertained 
their rights must be determined, and when their rights are once 
determined it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it 
was the duty of Spain to respect the rights of the people of 
Cuba or the duty of England to respect the rights of the Ameri- 
can colonists. Rights never conflict ; duties never clash. Can 
it be our duty to usurp political rights which belong to others ? 
Can it be our duty to kill those who, following the example of 
our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it? 

Some poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier 
who in the midst of the battle discovered that he had slain his 



218 Apeendix. 

brother. It is written "All ye are brethren." Let us hope for 
the coming of the day when human life — which when once de- 
stroyed cannot be restored — will be so sacred that it will never, 
be taken except when necessary to punish a crime already 
committed, or to prevent a crime about to be committed ! 

It is said that we have assumed before the world obligations 
which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a gov- 
ernment in the Philippine Islands. I reply first, that the high- 
est obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. No obliga- 
tion to any particular nations, or to all the nations combined, 
can require the abandonment of our theory of government, and 
the substitution of doctrines against which our whole national 
life has been a protest. And, second, that our obligation to 
the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is greater than any obli- 
gation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary 
residence in the Philippines or desire to trade there. 

It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of 
self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to the world 
to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an official report 
to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos more capable 
of self-government than the Cubans and said that he based 
his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not 
rest the case upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos. 
Henry Clay, in defending the right of the people of South 
America to self-government, said : 

"It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to 
govern himself. Their partisans assert his incapacity in refer- 
ence to all nations ; if they cannot command universal assent 
to the proposition, it is then demanded to particular nations ; 
and our pride and our presumption too often make converts of 
us. I contend that it is to arraign the disposition of Providence 
himself to suppose that he has created being incapable of gov- 
erning themselves, and to be tramped on by kings. Self-gov- 
ernment is the natural government of man." 

Clay was right. There are degrees of proficiency in the art 
of self-government, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to 
say that he denied to any people the capacity for self-govern- 
ment. Once admit that some people are capable of self-gov- 
ernment and that others are not that the capable people have 



Appendix. 219 

a right to seize upon and govern the incapable, and you make 
force — brute force — the only foundation of government and 
invite the reign of a despot. I am not willing to believe that 
an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos and then 
left them thousands of years helpless until the islands attracted 
the attention of European nations. 

Republicans ask, "Shall we haul down the flag that floats 
over our dead in the Philippines ?" The same question might 
have been asked when the American flag floated over Chapulte- 
pec and waved over the dead who fell there ; but the tourist who 
visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cemetery owned 
by the United States and cared for by an American citizen. 

Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty with 
Mexico was signed American authority withdrew to the Rio 
Grande, and I venture the opinion that during the last fifty 
years the people of Mexico have made more progress under the 
stimulus of independence and self-government than they would 
have made under a carpet-bag government held in place by 
bayonets. The United States and Mexico, friendly republics, 
are each stronger and happier than they would have been had 
the former been cursed and the latter crushed by an imperial- 
istic policy disguised as "benevolent assimilation." 

"Can we not govern colonies?" we are asked. The ques- 
tion is not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This 
nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept re- 
sponsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in the 
way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the Na- 
tion can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid the 
natural and legitimate results of its own conduct. 

The young man upon reaching his majority can do what 
he pleases. He can disregard the teachings of his parents ; he 
can trample upon all that he has been taught to consider sacred ; 
he can disobey the laws of the State, the laws of society and 
the laws of God. He can stamp failure upon his life and make 
his very existence a cure to his fellow-men, and he can bring 
his father and mother in sorrow to the grave ; but he cannot 
annul the sentence, "The wages of sin is death." 

And so with the nation. It is of age and it can do what it 
pleases ; it can spurn the traditions of the past ; it can repudiate 



220 Appendix. 

the principles upon which the nation rests ; it can employ force 
instead of reason; it can substitute might for right; it can 
conquer weaker people ; it can exploit their lands, appropriate 
their property and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the 
moral law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation 
of human rights. 

"Would we tread in the paths of tyranny 

Nor reckon the tyrant's cost? 
Who taketh another's liberty 

His freedom is also lost. 
Would we win as the strong have ever won, 

Make ready to pay the debt, 
For the God who reigned over Babylon 

Is the God who is reigning yet." 

Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands 
will result in the better education of the Filipinos. Be not de- 
ceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall 
not find it to our advantage to educate the people. The edu- 
cated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most 
ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our domination. 
If we are to govern them without their consent and give them 
no voice in determining the taxes which they must pay, we 
dare not educated them, lest they learn to read the Declaration 
of Independence and the Constitution of the United States and 
mock us for our inconsistency. 

The principal arguments, however, advanced by those who 
enter upon a defense of imperialism are : 

First — That we must improve the present opportunity to 
become a world power and enter into international politics. 

Second — That our commercial interests in the Philippine 
Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the 
islands permanently. 

Third — That the spread of the Christian religion will be 
facilitated by a colonial policy. 

Fourth — That there is no honorable retreat from the posi- 
tion which the nation has taken. 

The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and 



Appendix. 221 

the second to the nation's pocketbook. The third is intended 
for the church member and the fourth for the partisan. 

It is sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for 
more than a century this nation has been a world power. For 
ten decades it has been the most potent influence in the world. 
Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to 
affect the policies of the human race than all the other na- 
tions of the world combined. Because our Declaration of In- 
dependence was promulgated others have been promulgated. 
Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty others have 
fought for it. Because our Constitution was adopted other 
constitutions have been adopted. 

The growth of the principle of self-government, planted 
on American soil, has been the overshadowing political fact 
of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous 
among the nations and given it a place in history such as no 
other nation has ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to check 
the onward march of this idea. I am not willing that this, na- 
tion shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to seize 
again the weapons of physical warfare. I would not exchange 
the glory of this Republic for the glory of all the empires that 
have risen and fallen since time began. 

The permanent chairman of the last Republican National 
Convention presented the pecuniary argument in all its bald- 
ness when he said : 

"We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested in 
the Philippines solely on account of others. While we, regard 
the welfare of those people as a sacred trust, we regard the 
welfare of the American people first. We see our duty to our- 
selves as well as to others. We believe in trade expansion. By 
every legitimate means within the province of government 
and constitution we mean to stimulate the expansion of our 
trade and open new markets." 

This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the 
theorv that war can be rightly wa^ed for pecuniary advantage, 
and that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence. 
FranWin denied both of these propositions. When Lord Howe 
asserted that the acts of Parliament which brought on the 



222 Appendix. 

Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from 
passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied: 

"To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of 
any trade, howsoever valuable, is an object for which men may 
justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means 
of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and 
cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can 
ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by 
fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as 
both unjust and unwise." 

I place the philosophy of Franklin against the sordid doc- 
trine of those who would put a price upon the head of an 
American soldier and justify a war of conquest upon the 
ground that it will pay. The Democratic party is in favor of 
the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade by every 
legitimate and peaceful means ; but it is not willing to make 
merchandise of human blood. 

But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is unrighteous.. A 
harbor and coaling station in the Philippines would answer 
every trade and military necessity and such a concession could 
have been secured at any time without difficulty. 

It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with 
them. We carry on trade today with every part of the world, 
and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the com- 
merce of any European empire. We do not own Japan or 
China, but we trade with their people. We have not absorbed 
the republics of Central and South America, but we trade 
with them. Trade cannot be permanently profitable unless it 
is voluntary. 

When trade is secured by force the cost of securing it and 
retaining it must be taken out of the profits, and the profits 
are never large enough to cover the expense. Such a system 
would never be defended but for the fact that the expense is 
borne by all the people while the profits are enjoyed by a few. 

Imperialism would beprofitable to the army contractors ; 
it would be profitable to the ship owners, who would carry live 
soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it 
would be profitable to those who would seize upon the fran- 
chises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose salaries 



Appendix. 223 

would be fixed here and paid over there ; but to the farmer, to 
the laboring man and to the vast majority of those engaged 
in other occupations it would bring expenditure without re- 
turn and risk without reward. 

Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes 
and under systems which place the tax upon consumption pay 
much more than their fair share of the efflpenses of govern- 
ment. Thus the very people who receive least benefit from 
imperialism will be injured most by the military burdens which 
accompany it. 

In addition to the evils which he and the former share in 
common, the laboring man will be the first to suffer if oriental 
subjects seek work in the United States ; the first to suffer if 
American capital leaves our shores to employ oriental labor 
in the Philippines to supply the trade of China and Japan ; the 
first to suffer from the violence which the military spirit 
arouses and the first to suffer when the methods of imperialism 
are applied to our own government. 

It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations 
have been quick to note the approach of these dangers and 
prompt to protest against both militarism and imperialism. 

The pecuniary argument, though more effective with cer- 
tain classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with 
so much enthusiasm as the religious argument. If what has 
been termed the "gunpowder gospel" were urged against the 
Filipinos only it would be a sufficient answ T er to say that a ma- 
jority of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the 
Christian church ; but the principle involved is one of much 
wider application and challenges serious consideration. 

The religious argument varies in positiveness from a pass- 
ive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our 
hands for their good and our glory to the exultation of the 
minister who said that we ought to "thrash the natives (Fil- 
ipinos) until they understand who we are," and that "every 
bullet sent, every cannon shot and every flag waved means 
righteousness." 

We can not approve of this doctrine in one place unless we 
are willing to apply it everywhere. If there is poison in the 
blood of the hand it will ultimatelv reach the heart. It is 



224 Appendix. 

equally true that forcible Christianity, if planted under the 
American flag in the far-away Orient, will sooner or later be 
transplanted upon American soil. 

If true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily 
lives the teachings of Christ, who will say that we are com- 
manded to civilize with dynamite and proselyte with the sword ? 
He who would declare the divine will must prove his authority 
either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special dispensation. 

Imperialism finds no warrant in the Bible. The command 
"Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every crea- 
ture" has no Gatling gun attachment. , When Jesus visited a 
village of Samaria and the people refused to receive him, some 
of the disciples suggested that fire should be called down from 
heaven to avenge the insult ; but the Master rebuked them 
and said : "Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of ; 
for the Son of Man is not come to destroy men's 'lives, but 
to save them." Suppose he had said : "We will thrash them 
until they understand who we are," how different would have 
been the history of Christianity ! Compare, if you will, the 
swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with the 
golden rule and the commandment "Thou shalt love thy neigh- 
bor as thyself." 

Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene ; sacrifice 
for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of 
reaching the human heart. A missionary recently told me 
that the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his 
assailant recognized our flag as a flag that had no blood upon it. 

Let it be known that our missionaries are seeking souls 
instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being 
the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth 
to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with truth 
and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, 
wearing the breastplate of righteousness and carrying the 
sword of the spirit ; let it be known that they are citizens of 
a nation which respects the rights of the citizens of other 
nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own citizens, 
and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cordial 
th?in the welcome extended to the missionaries of any other 
nation. 



Appendix. 225 

The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for 
the nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine 
Islands, but that the naval victory at Manila made the per- 
manent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound. 
We won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel 
us to hold Cuba. 

The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands 
does not make it imperative that we should retain possession 
forever; American blood was shed at San Juan Hill and El 
Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans inde- 
pendence. The fact that the American flag floats over Manila 
does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over the 
islands; the American flag waves over Havana today, but the 
President has promised to haul it down when the flag of the 
Cuban republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a thousand 
times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag represent- 
ing the idea of self-government than that the flag of this 
republic should become the flag of an empire. 

There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the Phil- 
ippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic platform 
and it is submitted with confidence to the American people. 
This plan I unreservedly indorse. If elected, I will convene 
Congress in extraordinary session as soon as inaugurated and 
recommend an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose, 
first, to establish a stable form of government in the Philippine 
Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of gov- 
ernment in Cuba ; second, to give independence to the Cubans ; 
third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while 
they work out their destiny, just as we have protected the 
republics of Central and South America, and are, by the Mon- 
roe doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. 

A European protectorate often results in the plundering 
of the ward by the guardian. An American protectorate gives 
to the nation protected the advantage of our strength, without 
making it the victim of our greed. For three-quarters of a 
century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring 
republics and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon 
us. After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain, 
we could not honorably turn them over to their former mas- 



226 Appendix. 

ters ; we could not leave them to be the victims of the ambi- 
tious designs of European nations, and since we do not desire 
to make them a part of us or to hold them as subjects, we 
propose the only alternative, namely, to give them independ- 
ence and guard them against molestation from without. 

When our opponents are unable to defend their position 
by argument they fall back upon the assertion that it is des- 
tiny, and insist that we must submit to it, no matter how 
much it violates our moral precepts and our principles of 
government. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates 
the distinction between right and wrong and makes individu- 
als and nations the helpless victims of circumstances. 

Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking 
the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for 
supporting it. Washington said that the destiny of the repub- 
lican form of government was deeply, if not finally, staked 
on the experiment intrusted to the American people. How 
different Washington's definition of destiny from the Repub- 
lican definition ! 

The Republicans say that this nation is in the hands of 
destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of our 
own nation but the destiny of the republican form of govern- 
ment throughout the world was intrusted to American hands. 
Immeasurable responsibility ! The destiny of this republic 
is in the hands of its own people, and upon the success of 
the experiment here rests the hope of humanity. No exterior 
force can disturb this republic, and no foreign influence should 
be permitted to change its course. What the future has in 
store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each 
individual has his own idea of the nation's mission, and he 
owes it to his country as well as to himself to contribute as 
best he may to the fulfillment of that mission. 

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I can 
never fully discharge the debt of gratitude which I owe to 
my countrymen for the honors which they have so generously 
bestowed upon me ; but, sirs, whether it be my lot to occupy 
the high office for which the convention has named me, or to 
spend the remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my 
constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid in realiz- 



Appendix. 22J 

ing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and 
sacrifices brought this republic into existence. 

I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories 
of the present and the past — a destiny which meets the respon- 
sibilities of today and measures up to the possibilities of the 
future. Behold a republic, resting securely upon the founda- 
tion stones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the moun- 
tain of eternal truth — a republic applying in practice and pro- 
claiming to the world. the self-evident proposition that all men 
are created equal ; that they are endowed with inalienable 
rights ; that governments are instituted among men to secure 
these rights, and that governments derive their just powers 
from the consent of the governed. Behold a republic in which 
civil and religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor 
and in which the law restrains every hand uplifted for a 
neighbor's injury — a republic in which every citizen is a sov- 
ereign, but in which no one cares to wear a crown. Behold a 
republic standing erect while empires all around are bowed 
beneath the weight of their own armaments — a republic whose 
flag is loved while other flags are only feared. Behold a 
republic increasing in population, in wealth, in strength and 
in influence, solving the problems of civilization and hastening 
the coming of an universal brotherhood — a republic which 
shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example 
and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. 
Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming a supreme 
moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter 
of the world's disputes — a republic whose history, like the path 
of the just, "is as the shining light that shineth more and more 
unto the perfect day." 



NOTIFICATION SPEECH OP GOV. CHARLES S. THOMAS 

AT MILITARY PARK, INDIANAPOLIS, 

IND., AUG. 8, 1900. 



For a second time you have been chosen by the National 
Democracy as its Vice-Presidential candidate. This signal 
honor is not unprecedented, but it is none the less exceptional. 
Elected to that high office eight years ago, you discharged its 
duties faithfully and well, retiring with the respect, the love 
and the confidence of all the people. Thus endeared to your 
party, its recent action was both merited and appropriate. 

Long before the Kansas City convention was called, its 
Presidential candidate had been selected. Its platform had 
been foreshadowed by that of Chicago, and by the events of 
the succeeding years. To complete the ticket wisely and well 
was a serious and exigent duty. Arrayed against money, 
monopoly and militarism, the associate of our great leader 
should be devoted to the same ideals, equipped for the same 
duties, inspired by the same convictions and prepared to sus- 
tain the same burden if Providence should so decree. Con- 
scious of this great responsibility, but ready to meet it squarely, 
our convention on the first ballot, gave you its nomination. 
The Democracy long ago endorsed its action. The people 
will gloriously vindicate it in November. 

From the moment that your name was presented by the 
great State of Illinois, no doubt existed as to the result. To 
the underlying principles of Democracy, you had ever been 
steadfastly loyal. You had traversed a long and honorable 
career, reaching from humble beginnings to the most exalted 
position save one in the gift of the people. Yon have been 

228 



Appendix. 229 

equal to every responsibility to which your countrymen have 
called you. You justly possess in unusual degree the affections 
of men. Upon the great issues of the hour you stand four 
square with Bryan and the people, and in your nomination is 
given the full assurance of our desire to make our pledges and 
our purposes effectual. 

The campaign of 1900 is no holiday affair. Like that of 
Jefferson, it involves the great questions whether the people 
or the classes shall rule, whether the principles of his immortal 
declaration are transcient or fundamental. It holds before the 
public the gold and silver of the Constitution, the freedom and 
welfare of the citizen at home, the duty of the nation toward 
feeble communities struggling for liberty and independence 
in distant lands. Democracy is everywhere the aggressor. It 
demands the restoration of the bimetallic coinage of the Con- 
stitution. It denounces the surrender to private corporations 
of the sovereign power of note issue. It protests against a cur- 
rency system based and grounded upon the national debt. It 
would interpose the mandate of the law between monopoly 
and the people. It realizes that the trust and the Constitu- 
tion cannot both endure, and has highly resolved that the 
Constitution shall live. It has sworn that the present and the 
future of a people which renewed its struggle for liberty at 
our instance, shall not be measured by the sordid standards of 
avarice and greed. It would lift the reproach that commer- 
cialism has placed upon the honor of the Nation. It de- 
clares that justice is still the standing policy of our country. 
It would rescue liberty from the atmosphere of the counting 
room. It would remove the dollar mark from the face of 
duty. It would rise to the height of other and better days, 
and make the declaration of independence the common heri- 
tage of the Cuban and the Filipino. Each lighted his torch 
at the altar of the American Union. We cannot preserve the 
one if we shall extinguish the other. Each welcomed us as a 
common deliverer from a common tyrant. We cannot be true 
to one if we shall prove false to the other. We bid both to be 
of good cheer. The bow of promise that gilds the Cuban sky 
is behind the thunder cloud of the Orient. Its splendor shines 



230 Appendix. 

through the solemn pledges of our July convention; its ma- 
jesty will be revealed in the elections of November. 

The attitude of the Republican party of 1900 is and must 
continue to be a strange anomaly. It safely piloted the nation 
through the awful perils of slavery, yet it would conjure again 
into life that terrible evil whose sepulchre is sealed with the 
blood and the treasure of the Republic. It justly claims the 
statesmanship of Seward and Sumner, while its platform gives 
the lie to their loftiest precepts. It cherishes the memory of 
Blaine, but Democracy alone represents and asserts his vigor- 
ous Americanism. It cheers McKinley, but repudiates the 
wisdom of his past utterances upon the nature and essentials 
of free government. It worships at the shrine of Abraham 
Lincoln, but dares not ask his benediction upon its unholy 
scheme of plunder and conquest. 

In pleasing contrast Democracy invokes in support of its 
great cause the memory and the teachings of all our statesmen, 
jurists and philosophers. It marshals them all under the 
banner of freedom. They still live though they speak not. 
Their pre-sence consecrates the air around us, though we see 
them not. With their example to inspire us, with Bryan and 
Stevenson to lead us, with the Declaration and the Constitu- 
tion to sustain us, we shall overcome all the hosts of the 
mighty. 

Sir, in your nomination there is given to the work! the 
outward and visible sign of a reunited Democracy. The re- 
volt and discontent that marked and marred the campaign of 
1896 have subsided forever. We are no longer divided. We 
have claspe4 hands in the presence of a great national peril. 
No discordant note disturbs the harmony of the hour. Demo- 
cratic voices in universal chorus are everywhere chanting a 
symphony whose dominating note is liberty. To its vibrant 
melodies the hearts and consciences of men are responding, 
and in the gray dawn of the new century their ballots will 
register for the Republic a new birth of freedom. 



MR. STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE AT MIL- 
ITARY PARK, INDIANAPOLIS, IND., 
AUG. 8, 1300. 



I am profoundly grateful for the honor conferred upon me 
by my selection by the National Democratic Convention as its 
candidate for the high office of Vice-President of the United 
States. For the complimentary manner in which such action 
has been officially made known to me I express to you, Mr. 
Chairman, and to your honored associates of the committee, my 
sincere thanks. 

Deeply impressed with a sense of the responsibility as- 
sumed by such candidacy, I accept the nomination so generous- 
ly tendered me. Should the action of the convention meet the 
approval of the people in November, it will be my earnest en- 
deavor to discharge with fidelity the duties of the great office. 

It is wisely provided in the constitution that at stated times 
political supremacy, upon which we are now entering, is one 
of deep moment to the American people. Its supreme im- 
portance to all conditions of our countrymen cannot be meas- 
ured by words. The ills resulting from unjust legislation and 
from unwise administration of the government must find their 
remedy in the all-potent ballot. To it we now make our solemn 
appeal. 

The chief purpose of the great convention whose represen- 
tatives are before me was redress for existing wrongs and se- 
curity against perils yet greater which menace popular govern- 
ment. Your convention, in language clear and unmistakable, 
has presented the vital issues upon which the pending con- 

231 



232 Appendix. 

test is to be determined. To its -platform I give my earnest 
assent. 

Clearly and unequivocally the Democratic convention has 
expressed its sympathy with the burghers of the South African 
republics in their heroic attempt to maintain free government. 
In this the convention not only voiced the sentiments of Ameri- 
can Democrats, but of liberty-loving men everywhere. It is 
not strange that those who have kept the political faith of the, 
author of the Declaration of Independence should express their 
abhorrence at the effort of a great European power to subju- 
gate a people whose only crime is a death struggle to maintain 
their liberties. 

The earnest utterances of the convention, that our sympa- 
thies are with the Boers in their unequal struggle, meets a 
hearty response from all who venerate the principles of our 
fathers. Is it not true that in all the past, a belief in the inalien- 
able rights of all peoples has been with us a living faith ? That 
our sympathy has ever been with the oppressed; with those 
who were struggling for a larger measure of freedom — for 
self-government? For this reason, our government was among 
the first to extend recognition to the Republics of France and 
of Mexico ; prompt to extend our sympathy, as well as official 
recognition, to the little South American states on their escape 
from the depotism of Spain, and upon their efforts to establish 
for themselves representative government fashioned after our 
own. History has but repeated itself and the struggle to main- 
tain free government a century and a quarter after the pro- 
mulgation of the Declaration of Independence has been trans- 
ferred from the new world to the old. Is it to be wondered then 
that the political disciples of Jefferson should express their 
sympathy for the oppressed Republics of South Africa? Only 
those who believe that our own country has outgrown the 
doctrines of the fathers are in sympathy with England's at- 
tempt to establish monarchy upon the ruins of republics. 

The lavish appropriations, by the present Republican Con- 
gress, should challenge the attention of all thoughtful men. 
Subsidy bills and all unnecessary taxes are condemned by our 
platform. The accumulation of surplus revenues is too often 
the pretext for wasteful appropriations of the public money. 



Appendix. 233 

The millions of surplus now accumulating in the treasury 
should remain in the pockets of the people. To this end the 
Democratic party demands a reduction of war taxes to the 
actual needs of the government, and a return to the policy of 
strict economy in all governmental expenditures. 

In apt words the Dingley tariff law is condemned. It is 
tersely characterized as legislation skillfully devised in the in- 
terest of a class, and to impose upon the many burdens which 
they should not bear. Adhering to the time-honored doctrine 
of the Democratic party, we oppose all tariff legislation, the 
necessary consequence of which is at the expense of the con- 
sumer, to secure unjust advantages to the favored few. Ex- 
perience has demonstrated that unjust tariff laws have deprived 
the government of needed revenues, secured to favored bene- 
ficiaries colossal fortunes, and largely increased to the people 
the cost of the necessaries of life. The baleful but logical re- 
sult of the tariff law condemned by our platform is seen in 
the sudden growth of giant monopolies, combinations in re- 
straint of lawful trade and "trusts" more threatening than 
foreign foe to the existence of popular government. Believing 
that "wherever there is a wrong there must be a remedy," the 
Democratic party will favor such legislation as will curb the 
spirit of monopoly and place an effective barrier against the 
unlawful combinations of capital which now prove an insuper- 
able obstacle to legitimate enterprise and investment. The 
deadly power of the trust is felt in all channels of trade. This 
is but the beginning. Is it too much to say that unless re- 
strained by wholesome laws, wisely and efficiently adminis- 
tered, the danger becomes appalling? Fostered by the Ding- 
ley tariff law, the trusts, during the present Republican ad- 
ministration, have enormously increased in number and in 
power. A determined effort for their suppression must now 
be made. Delay would still further endanger every lawful 
business interest of the country. The imperative necessity 
for a remedy being conceded, the question arises : Into whose 
hands shall be committed the work of formulating laws look- 
ing to the suppression of trusts ? To whom shall be intrusted 
the execution of such laws? Shall it be to the victims or to 
the beneficiaries of the overshadowing evil? If to the latter, 



234 Appendix. 

then a further lease of power to the present administration is 
all that is needed. 

Can any sane man believe that the trust evil is one that will 
cure itself, or that its destruction will be compassed by those 
to whom it has brought princely fortunes? If so, let him point 
to a single honest attempt of Republican officials to enforce the 
laws now upon our statute books against the most stupendous 
commercial evil known to any period of our history. The 
Democratic party stands pledged to an unceasing warfare 
against private monopoly in every form. It demands the en- 
forcement of existing laws against trusts and the 
enactment of laws yet more stringent. It wisely de- 
mands publicity as to the affairs of corporations engaged in 
interstate commerce. As one means to the important end of 
curtailing the power of trusts, we favor such amendments of 
our tariff laws as will place the products of trusts upon the 
free list, and thereby prevent monopoly under the plea of pro- 
tection. During almost four years of Republican control of all 
departments of the government, the trust evil has grown to its 
present overshadowing proportions. What finger has been 
lifted for its suppression? With its friends again entrenched 
in power, what hope is held out for the future ? 

At this hour I can but allude in brief words to other needed 
reforms to which the attention of the country is called by the 
Democratic platform. Prominent among these, is such en- 
largement of the scope of interstate commerce law as will pro- 
tect the public from unjust transportation rates, and individuals 
from unfair discrimination. As is well known, this law has 
failed to effect the wise purpose for which it was enacted. In 
fact, it is now little more than a dead letter upon the statute 
books. Under well-considered amendments the commission 
should be vested with ample power to prevent injustice to in- 
dividuals and to the public. 

Our platform favors the creation of a department of labor, 
whose chief officer shall take rank with other constitutional 
advisers of the president. This is in the interest of justice and 
will prove an important step looking to the proper recognition 
and encouragement of the producers of wealth. 



Appendix. 235 

In explicit terms it favors liberal pensions to our soldiers 
and sailors and to those dependent upon them. 

With equal justice it reiterates the demands of a former 
Democratic platform for bimetallism ; the restoration of silver 
to its proper function in our monetary system. 

For the protection of the home laborer it demands the en- 
forcement of the Chinese exclusion act. 

And in the interest of an enlarged commerce it favors the 
immediate construction of the Nicaraguan Canal. This, how- 
ever, with the provision that it shall remain forever under the 
exclusive ownership and control of the United States. The 
pending Hay-Pauncefote treaty is condemned as a surrender 
of American rights, not to be tolerated by the American people. 
In the construction and control of this great work there can be 
no concession of right to any European power. Commercial 
interest and national safety in time of war, alike demand its 
permanent ownership by our government. 

A question is yet to be discussed, to which all of these are 
of secondary importance. It is solemnly declared by our 
platform to be the paramount issue. Questions of domestic 
policy, however important, may be, but questions of the hour 
— that of imperialism — is for time. In the presence of this stu- 
pendous issue, others seem but as the dust in the balance. In 
no sense paltering w r ith words, it is the supreme question of 
Republic or Empire. The words of the eminent Republican 
Senator, Mr. Hoar, challenge attention : "I believe that perse- 
verance in this policy will be the abandonment of the principles 
upon which our government is founded ; that it will change 
bur government into an Empire ; that our methods of legis- 
lation, of diplomacy, of administration must hereafter be those 
which belong to Empires, and not those which belong to Re- 
publics." 

Upon every phase of our foreign policy, the language of 
the Democratic platform is too clear to admit of misconstruc- 
tion. It favors trade expansion by all peaceful and lawful 
means. 

We. believe that liberty, as well as the Constitution, fol- 
lows the flag. Democrats in common with many Republicans, 
oppose the Porto Rican law as a violation of the Constitution, 



236 Appendix. 

and a flagrant breach of good faith toward a dependent people. 
It is imposing government without the consent of the governed. 
It is in conflict with that provision of the constitution which de- 
clares that "Duties, imports and excises shall be uniform 
throughout the United States." Believing that this constitu- 
tional provision applies to every part of the United States, we 
condemn the tariff taxation imposed by a Republican Congress 
upon the helpless and distressed people of Porto Rico. Such leg- 
islation — inspired solely by greed— is indeed the harbinger of 
evil to the Republic. The attempt to collect unjust taxes with 
one hand, and with the other to return them in part to a plund- 
ered people, is utterly without constitutional warrant or justifi- 
cation. We give our earnest assent to the declaration : "Our 
plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United 
States and Porto Rico, and give her products access to our 
markets." No party exigency or pressure could justify a de- 
parture by the President from the plain pathway of duty he 
had here so clearly indicated. The law imposing tariff duties 
upon the people of Porto Rico is in palpable violation of the 
Constitution, and a flagrant breach of the pledged faith of the 
nation. 

The Democratic platform condemns the policy pursued by 
the present administration toward the Philippine Islands. This 
policy — inspired by the greedy spirit of commercialism — has 
embroiled our government in an unnecessary war, sacrificed 
valuable lives, and placed the American Republic in deadly an- 
tagonism to our former allies in their efforts to secure their 
liberties. For the first time in our hustory we are boldly con- 
fronted with the question of "imperialism — -the spirit of em- 
pire/' 

This is, indeed, the supreme question to which all others are 
of secondary importance. Before we break irrevocably with 
the past and abandon the doctrines of the fathers, it is well 
that we deliberate upon the consequences of a permanent de- 
parture from the settled governmental policy of more than a 
century. The success of the imperialistic policy foreshadows 
the empire. Shall the closing hours of the century witness the 
American people abandoning the sure pathway in which past 
generations have found prosperity and happiness and embark- 



Appendix. 2$j 

ing upon that of aggression and conquest, against which we are 
warned by the wrecks that lie along the entire pathway of his- 
tory? Standing out against the new policy of conquest, with 
all that it involves of European complication, are the warnings 
of the founders of the Republic. Out of fashion, as it may ap- 
pear, I quote the last words of Washington to the oncoming 
generations of his countrymen: "The great rule of conduct 
for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our com- 
mercial relations, to have with them as little political connec- 
tion as possible." It was the author of the Declaration of In- 
dependence who said : "Our first and fundamental maxim 
should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe." 
Is it not well to ponder these warnings before permanently em- 
barking upon an untried pathway beset with foreign jealousies, 
complications and antagonism? 

The Democratic party has ever been the advocate of wise 
territorial expansion. It was in control of the government dur- 
ing forty years of the first half of the present century. During 
that period new states were admitted into the Federal Union, 
and our western border extended beyond the Mississippi. Our 
of the Louisiana country — acquired under the first Democratic 
administration — have been carved fourteen magnificent states. 
Under a later Democratic administration — and as the result 
of the treaty which terminated our war with Mexico — we ac- 
quired California and neighboring states and territories, thus 
bringing under our flag, to remain forever, the vast expanse 
stretching to the Pacific. 

The policy of aggressive expansion — of subjugation of dis- 
tant islands — pursued by the present administration, finds no 
precedent in the peaceable cession of the Louisiana country by 
Napoleon, that of Florida by Spain, nor that yet later, of the 
vast western area by Mexico. The territory acquired under 
Democratic administrations was, with favorable climatic con- 
ditions, the fit above for men of our own race. At the time 
of annexation it passed under the rule of the Anglo-Saxon, who 
carried with him our language and our laws. It was territory 
contiguous to our own, and acquired with the declared inten- 
tion — when conditions and population would justify — of carv- 
ing it into states. The result : Millions of American homes, 



238 Appendix. 

our national wealth increased beyond the dream of avarice, and 
the United States chief among the nations of the earth. Can 
it be that the new policy of forcible annexation of distant 
islands finds precedent in the historic events I have mentioned ? 
The answer is found in the bare statement of facts. The terri- 
tory acquired under Democratic administrations is contiguous 
■ — the Philippine Islands 8,000 miles distant. The acquisition 
of territory upon our own continent added little to the national 
expense — to maintain permanent sovereignty over the distant 
islands necessitates immense expenditures upon our army and 
navy. More than that, it contemplates methods of administra- 
tion that pertain, not to the Republic, but to the Empire. Can 
it be doubted that the attempt to stifle the spirit of liberty abroad 
will imperil popular government at home? 

What is proposed by the party in power for the govern- 
ment of these islands ? If it be intended to establish there our 
political institutions, what then becomes of the Monroe doc- 
trine ? This vital international policy, announced by the Presi- 
dent of the United States seventy-seven years ago, was : "We 
owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations exist- 
ing between the United States and those powers to declare 
that we should' consider' any attempt on their part to extend 
their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous 
to our peace and safety." This was supplemented by a dis- 
claimer, in substance, upon our part, of any intention to force 
our institutions upon the nations of Europe or their depend- 
encies. 

The Monroe doctrine is wholesome and enduring-. It is 
the faith of Americans of every creed and party — is of the very 
warp and woof of our political being. It was promulgated at 
the critical moment when the "holy alliance" was attempting to 
stifle the Republican spirit and re-establish the despotism of 
Spain upon her revolted colonies in South America and Mex- 
ico. The essence of the doctrine as then understood by the 
world was, while we forbid the establishment of despotic gov- 
ernments upon the American continent, we recognize the corre- 
sponding obligation to refrain from any attempt to force our 
political system upon any part of the old world. This has 
been our settled rule of faith and practice for more than threer 



Appendix. 239 

quarters of a century. Its promulgation defeated the purpose 
of the "holy alliance'' and destroyed forever the power of Spain 
upon this continent. 

Under it Louis Napoleon, a third of a century ago, was 
compelled to withdraw the French army from Mexico and leave 
the ill-starred Maximilian to his fate. Under it the empire 
established by foreign bayonets disappeared and the Republic 
was restored. Are we now to say we still recognize the binding 
force of this doctrine upon other nations, but not upon our 
own ? 

If ultimate statehood for these remote islands — and others 
yet to be conquered — be disclaimed, how, then, are they to be 
held and governed? The only alternative is by force — by the 
power of army and navy, and this not for a day, or for a year, 
but for all time. What, then, becomes of the bedrock prin- 
ciple that ''governments derive their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed?" If they are to be held permanently as 
conquered provinces, it will be not only outside of the con- 
stitution, but in direct antagonism to the letter and spirit of the 
Declaration of Independence. It is no less true now then in the 
days of our Revolution that "government by arbitrary power 
is still despotism." The attempt, then, either to give these 
people American citizenship or to hold them as subjects, is to 
us alike fraught with peril. Should there not be an immediate 
declaration by our government of its purpose toward them? 
They should be given unmistakable assurance of independence. 
Protection by our government should not be withheld against 
outside interference. The same protection should be theirs 
heretofore extended to the little states of Central and South 
America. Under existing conditions there should be no hesi- 
tation upon our part in giving them protection against the cu- 
pidity or aggressive spirit of other nations. All this, not to the 
end of subjugation or of conquest upon our part, but to that 
of the full enjoyment by them of liberty and of the ultimate es- 
tablishment of stable government furnished by their own hands. 
Against this policy stands imperialism. In American politics 
the word is new — fortunately the policy is new. We are daily 
becoming familiar with its meaning, with its forebodings — -and 
the end is not yet. It means a permanent departure from all 



240 Appendix. 

the traditions of the past ; from the high ideals of the founders 
of the public. It abrogates the holding of our great court that 
the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of the govern- 
ment — the Constitution but its form and letter. Imperialism 
knows nothing of limitations of power. Its rule is 
outside the Constitution. It means the adoption by 
the American Republic of the colonial methods of European 
monarchies. It means the right to hold alien peoples as sub- 
jects. It enthrones force as the controlling agency in govern- 
ment. It means the empire. 

As a necessary corollary to imperialism will come the im- 
mense standing army. The dread hand of militarism will be 
felt in the new world as it is in the old. The strong army of 
power will be substituted for the peaceable agencies which for 
more than a century have made our people contented and 
happy. It was Jefferson who said, "A well disciplined militia — 
our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war." 
True, at the beginning of the century, with a few millions of 
population; no less true at the close, as we stand in the fore- 
front of the nations with a population of eighty millions. The 
result of our recent conflict with Spain gives emphasis to the 
prophetic words of Jefferson. Existing conditions in conti- 
nental Europe — entailing taxation and misery to the verge of 
human endurance — illustrate by sad object lesson the inevitable 
result of large standing armies in time of peace. Shall we still 
give heed to the warning of the great sage of the revolution, or 
enter upon a new century with European monarchies as our 
model? Without a large standing army, but relying upon the 
patriotism and courage of American manhood, we were vic- 
torious in the second war with Great Britain, with Mexico, in 
the great civil strife, and with Spain. In the light of history, 
can it be possible that the American people will consent to the 
permanent establishment of a large standing army, and its con- 
sequent continuing and ever-increasing burdens of taxation ? 

We are told that our Republic is now to become "a world 
power." In the highest sense — with the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence as its corner-stone — it has been in all its past a world 
power. It has been the lofty ideal to all liberty-loving people ; 
the model for all builders of Republics for more than a cen- 



Appendix. 241 

tury. In the sense used by the imperialists the expression is 
one of terrible significance. It necessitates the methods and 
equipments of monarchies. It means the creation of and main- 
tenance by our republic of standing armies equal to those of 
the world powers of Europe. At no less cost can we hold place 
as a world power. Study existing conditions in European na- 
tions, and know what this all means to us. It means taxation 
to the verge of despair. It means, as has been truly said, that 
"every laborer must carry an armed soldier upon his back as 
he goes to his daily toil." All history teaches that the corner- 
stone of imperialism is the force of the standing army. 

We stand 100 years from the hour when the political forces 
were gathering which were to result in the election of the first 
Democratic President. The anniversary of the masterful day 
in our history was wisely chosen for the assembling in conven- 
tion of the representatives of the historic party whose founder 
was Jefferson — and whose platform is the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. In the great struggle now upon us we invoke the 
co-operation of all who revere the memory of our fathers, and 
to whom this declaration is not unmeaning parchment — but 
the enduring chart of our liberties. Upon the supreme issue 
now in the forefront — -and to the end that Republican gov- 
ernment be perpetuated — we appeal to the sober judgment and 
patriotism of the American people. 



HON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 



Lincoln, Neb., Sept. 18, 1900. 
Hon. James D. Richardson, Chairman, and Others of the Noti- 
fication Committee of the Democratic National Convention: 
Gentlemen : — In accepting the nomination tendered by yon 
on behalf of the Democratic party, I beg to assure you of my 
appreciation of the great honor conferred upon me by the dele- 
gates in convention assembled, and by the voters who gave 
instruction to the delegates. 

I am sensible of the responsibilities which rest upon the 
chief magistrate of so great a nation, and realize the far-reach- 
ing effect of the questions involved in the present contest. 

In my letter of acceptance of 1896, I made the following 
pledge : 

"So deeply am I impressed with the magnitude of the power 
vested by the Constitution in the chief executive of the nation 
and with the enormous influence which he can yield for the 
benefit or injury of the people, that I wish to enter the office, if 
elected, free from any personal desire, except the desire to 
prove worthy of the confidence of my countrymen. Human 
judgment is fallible enough when unbiased by selfish consider- 
ations, and, in order that I may not be tempted to use the 
patronage of the office to advance my personal ambition, I 
hereby announce, with all the emphasis which words can ex- 
press, my fixed determination not, under any circumstances, to 
be a candidate for re-election, in case this campaign results in 
my election." 

Further reflection and observation constrain me to renew 
this pledge. 

242 



Appendix. 243 

The platform adopted at Kansas City commands my cordial 
and unqualified approval. It courageously meets the issues 
now before the country, and states clearly and without ambi- 
guity the party's position on every question considered. 
Adopted by a convention which assembled on the anniversary 
of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, it breathes 
the spirit of candor, independence and patriotism which char- 
acterizes those who, at Philadelphia in 1776, promulgated the 
creed of the Republic. 

Having in my notification speech, discussed somewhat a£ 
length the paramount issue, imperialism, and added some ob- 
servations on militarism and the Boer war, it is sufficient at this 
time to review the remaining planks of the platform. 

The platform very properly gives prominence to the trust 
question. The appalling growth of combinations in restraint 
of trade during the present administration, proves conclusively 
that the Republican party lacks either the desire or the ability 
to deal with the question effectively. If, as may be fairly 
assumed from the speeches and conduct of the Republican lead- 
ers, that party does not intend to take the people's side against 
these organizations, then the weak and qualified condemnation 
of trusts to be found in the Republican platform is designed to 
distract attention while industrial despotism is completing its 
work. A private monopoly has always been an outlaw. Xo 
defense can be made of an industrial system in which one, or 
a few men, can control for their own profit, the output or price 
of any article of merchandise. Under such a system the con- 
sumer suffers extortion, the producer of raw material has but 
one purchaser, and must sell at the arbitrary price fixed ; the 
laborer has but one employer, and is powerless to protest against 
injustice, either in wages or in conditions of labor; the small 
stockholder is at the mercy of the speculator, while the travel- 
ing salesman contributes his salary to the overgrown profits 
of the trust. Since but a small proportion of the people can 
share in the advantages secured by private monopoly, it follows 
that the remainder of the people are not only excluded from the 
benefits, but are the helpless victims of every monopoly organ- 
ized. It is difficult to overestimate the immediate injustice 
that rnav be done, or to calculate the ultimate effect of this 



244 Appendix. 

injustice upon the social and political welfare of the people. 
Our platform, after suggesting certain specific remedies ; 
pledges the party to an unceasing warfare against private mo- 
nopoly in nation, state and city. I heartily approve of this 
promise ; if elected, it shall be my earnest and constant endeavor 
to fulfill the promise in letter and spirit. I shall select an attor- 
ney-general who will, without fear or favor, enforce existing 
laws ; I shall recommend such additional legislation as may be 
necesary to dissolve every private monopoly which does busi- 
ness outside of the state of its origin; and, if contrary to my 
belief and hope, a constitutional amendment is found to be 
necessary, I shall recommend such an amendment as will, with- 
out impairing any of the existing rights of the states, empower 
Congress to protect the people of all the states from injury at 
the hands of individuals or corporations engaged in interstate 
commerce. 

The platform accurately describes the Dingley tariff law, 
when it condemns is as a "trust breeding measure, skillfully 
devised to give to the few favors which they do not deserve, 
and to place upon the many burdens which they should not 
bear." Under its operation trusts can plunder the people of 
the United States, while they successfully compete in foreign 
markets with manufacturers of other countries. Even those 
who justify the general policy of protection will find it difficult 
to defend a tariff which enables a trust to exact an exorbitant 
toll from the citizen. 

The Democratic party makes no war upon honestly acquired 
wealth ; neither does it seek to embarrass corporations engaged 
in legitimate business, but it does protest against corporations 
entering politics and attempting to assume control of the 
instrumentalities of government. A corporation is not organ- 
ized for political purposes, and should be compelled to confine 
itself to the business described in its charter. Honest corpora- 
tions, engaged in an honest business, will find it to their advan- 
tage to aid in the enactment of such legislation as Will protect 
them from the undeserved odium which will be brought upon 
them by those corporations which enter the political arena. 

The Repuublican party has persistently refused to comply 
with the urgent request of the Interstate Commerce Commis- 



Appendix. 245 

sion, for such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate com- 
merce law as will enable the commission to realize the hopes 
aroused by its creation. The Democratic party is pledged to 
legislation which will empower the commission to protect indi- 
viduals and communities from discrimination, and the public at 
large from unjust and unfair transportation rates. 

The platform reiterates the demand contained in the Chicago 
platform for an American financial system made by the Ameri- 
can people for themselves. The purpose of such a system is to 
restore and maintain a bimetallic level of prices, and in order 
that there may be no uncertainly as to the method of restoring 
bimetallism, the specific declaration in favor of free and unlim- 
ited coinage at the existing ratio of 16 to 1, independent of the 
action of other nations, is repeated. In 1896 the Republican 
party recognized the necessity for bimetallism by pledging the 
party to an earnest effort to secure an international agreement 
for the free coinage of silver, and the president, immediately 
after his inauguration, by authority of congress, appointed a 
commission composed of distinguished citizens to visit Europe 
and solicit foreign aid. Secretary Hay, in a letter written to 
Lord Aldenham in November, 1898, and afterward published 
in England, declared that at that time the president and a 
majority of his cabinet still believed in the great desirability of 
an international agreement for the restoration of the double 
standard, but that it did not seem opportune to re-open the 
negotiations just then. The financial law enacted less than a 
year ago contains a concluding section declaring that the meas- 
ure was not intended to stand in the way of the restoration of 
bimetallism, whenever it could be done by co-operation with 
other nations. The platform submitted to the last Republican 
convention with the indorsement of the administration again 
suggested the possibility of securing foreign aid in restoring 
silver. 

Now the Republican party, for the first time, openly abandons 
its advocacy of the double standard, and indorses the mone- 
tary system which it has so often and so emphatically con- 
demned. The Democratic party, on the contrary, remains the 
steadfast advocate of the gold and silver coinage of the con- 
stitution, and is now willing that other nations shall determine 



246 Appendix. 

for us the time and manner of restoring silver to its ancient 
place as a standard money. The ratio of 16 to 1 is not only 
the ratio now existing between all the gold and silver dollars 
in circulation in this country, a ratio which even the Republican 
administration has not attempted to change, but it is the only 
ratio advocated by those who are seeking to re-open the mints. 
Whether the senate, now hostile to bimetallism, can be changed 
during this campaign or the campaign of 1902 can only be de- 
termined after the votes are counted, but neither the present 
nor the future political complexion has prevented or should 
prevent an announcement of trie party's position upon this sub- 
ject in unequivocal terms. 

The currency bill, which received the sanction of the execu- 
tive and the Republican members of the House and Senate, 
justifies the warning given by the Democratic party. in 1896. 
It was then predicted that the Republican party would attempt 
to retire the greenbacks, although the party and its leaders 
studiously concealed their intentions. That purpose is now plain, 
and the people must choose between the retention of the green- 
backs, issued and controlled in volume by the government, and 
a national bank note currency issued by banks and. controlled 
in their own interests. If the national bank notes are to be se- 
cured by bonds, the currency system now supported by the Re- 
publican party involves a permanent and increasing debt, and, 
so long as this system stands, the financial classes will be 
tempted to throw their powerful influence upon the side of any 
measure which will contribute to the size and permanency of a 
national debt. It is hardly conceivable that the American peo- 
ple will deliberately turn from the debt-paying policy of the 
past, to the dangerous doctrine of perpetual bonds. 

The demand for a constitutional amendment providing 
for the election of Senators by direct vote of the people, ap- 
pears for the first time in a Democratic National platform, but 
a resolution proposing such an amendment, has three times 
passed the House of Representatives, and that, too, practically 
without opposition. Whatever may have been the reasons 
which secured the, adoption of the present plan, a century ago. 
new conditions have made it imperative that the people be per- 
mitted to speak directly in the selection of their representatives 



Appendix. 247 

in the Senate. A Senator is no less the representative of the 
State because he receives his commission from the people them- 
selves, rather than from the members of the State legislature. 
If a voter is competent to vote for a member of Congress, for 
State officers and for President, he is competent to choose his 
representative in the Senate. A system which makes the Sen- 
ator responsible for his election to the people, as a whole, and 
amenable to them if he misrepresents them, must commend 
itself to those who have confidence in the intelligence and 
patriotism of the masses. 

The platform indorses the principle of direct legislation. 
This is already applied to the more important questions in na- 
tion, state and city. It rests upon the sound theory that the 
people can be trusted, and that the more responsive the govern- 
ment is to the will of the people the more free it will be from 
misuse and abuse. 

Several planks of the labor platform are devoted to ques- 
tions in which the laboring classes have an immediate interest, 
but which more remotely affect our entire population. While 
what is generally known as government by injunction is at 
present directed chiefly against the employes of corporations, 
when there is a disagreement between them and their employer, 
it involves a principle which concerns every one. The purpose 
of the injunction in such cases is to substitute trial by judge for 
trial by jury, and is a covert blow at the jury system. The 
abolition of government by injunction is as necessary for the 
protection of the reputation of the court, as it is for the security 
of the citizen. Blackstone, in defending trial by jury, says : 

"The impartial administration of justice, which secured 
both our persons and our properties is the great end of civil 
society, but if that be entrusted entirely to the magistracy, a 
select body of men, and those selected by the prince such as 
enjoy the highest offices of the State their decisions in spite of 
their natural integrity, will have frequently' an involuntary bias 
toward those of their own rank, and dignity. It is not to be 
expected from human nature that the few should be always 
attentive to the interests and good of the many." 

If the criminal laws are not sufficient for the protection of 



248 Appendix. 

property, they can be made more severe, but a citizen charged 
with crime must have his case tried before a jury of his peers. 

The blacklist as now employed in some places enables the 
employer to place the employe under practical duress, for the 
skilled laborer loses his independence when the employers can 
not only discharge him, but prevent his securing any similar 
employment. The blacklist enables employers to secure, by 
mutual agreement, that control over the wage earners which 
a private monopoly exercises without contract. 

The platform renews the demand for arbitration between 
corporations and their employes. Xo one wdio has observed 
the friction which arises between great corporations and their 
numerous employes can doubt the wisdom of establishing an 
impartial court for the just and equitable settlement of dis- 
putes. The demand for arbitration ought to be supported as 
heartily by the public, which suffers inconvenience because of 
strikes and lockouts, and by the employers themselves, as by 
the employes. The establishment of arbitration will insure 
friendly relations between labor and capital, and render obso- 
lete the growing practice of calling in the army to settle labor 
troubles. 

I cannot too strongly emphasize the importance of the plat- 
form recommendation of the establishment of a department of 
labor, with a member of the cabinet at its head. When we re- 
member how important a position the laborer fills in our eco- 
nomic, social and political fabric, it is hard to conceive of a 
valid objection being made to this recognition of his services. 
Agriculture is already represented in the president's official 
household ; the army and navy have their representatives there ; 
the state department, with its consular service, and the treas- 
ury department, with its close connection with fiscal affairs, 
keep the executive in touch with the business and commercial 
interests. A cabinet officer truly representative of the wage 
earning class would be of invaluable aid, not only to the toilers 
hut to the president. 

The Chinese exclusion act has proven an advantage to the 
country, and its continuance and strict enforcement, as well 
as its extension to other similar races, are imperatively neces- 
sarv. The Asiatic is so essentially different from the American 



I 



Appendix. 249 



that he cannot be assimilated with our population, and is, there- 
fore, not desirable as a permanent citizen. His presence as 
a temporary laborer, preserving his national identity, and main 
taining a foreign scale of wages and living, must ever pray 
an injustice to American producers, as well as a perpetual 
source of irritation. 

The party expresses its pride in the soldiers and sailors 
of all our wars, and declares its purpose to deal generously 
with them and their dependents. A liberal policy is natural 
and necessary in a government which depends upon a citizen 
soldiery, instead of a large standing army. Self-interest, as 
well as gratitude, compels the government to make bountiful 
provision for those who, in the hour of danger, and at great 
sacrifice of business, health and life, tender their services to 
their country. 

The pension laws should be construed according to the gen- 
erous spirit which prompted their passage. The platform very 
properly reiterates the position taken in 1896, that the fact 
of enlistment shall be deemed conclusive evidence that the 
soldier was sound when the government accepted him. A 
certificate given now to the health of a person 40 years ago, 
even if easily obtainable, should not have as much weight as 
the certificate of the medical officer who examined the volun- 
teer with a view of ascertaining his fitness for army service. 

The Democratic party is in favor of the immediate construc- 
tion, ownership and control of the Nicaragua canal by the 
United States. The failure of the Republican party to make 
any progress in carrying out a pledge contained in its- plat- 
form four years ago, together with the substitution in its latest 
platform of a plank favoring an isthmian canal for a specific 
declaration in favor of the Xicaraguan canal, would indicate 
that the Republican leaders either do not appreciate the import- 
ance of this great waterway to the maritime strength and com- 
mercial interests of the country, or that they give too much 
consideration to the interested opposition of transcontinental 
lines. The Hay-Pauncefote treaty, now before the Senate, 
would, if ratified, greatly lessen the value of the canal, if it 
would not indeed convert it into a positive menace in time of 
war. The paramount interests of the United States in the west- 






250 Appendix. 

ern hemisphere, together with the obligations to defend the 
Republics to the south of us, makes it necessary that our gov- 
ernment shall be able to close the canal against any hostile 
power. 

Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma have long been ready 
to assume the responsibilities and enjoy the privileges of state- 
hood, and it will be a pleasure, as well as a duty, to carry out 
the platform pledge concerning them. 

There will be a popular acquiescence in the demand for 
home rule, and a territorial form of government in Alaska 
and Porto Rico. Both are entitled to local self-government 
and representation in Congress. 

The recognition contained in both the Democratic and Re- 
publican platforms of the right of the Cubans to independence, 
removes the general principle involved from the domain of par- 
tisan politics. It is proper, however, to consider whether the 
accomplishment of this purpose can be safely entrusted to the 
Republican party after it has yielded to the allurements of the 
Colonial idea, and abandoned its earlier faith in the natural 
and inalienable rights of man. 

The time is ripe for a systematic and extended effort to re- 
claim the arid lands and fit them for actual settlers. The last 
agricultural report estimates that homes can thus be provided 
for many millions of people. The impounding and use of the 
waters which are wasted in the spring would people the west- 
ern states with thrifty, intelligent, and industrious citizens, 
and these would furnish a valuable market for all the products 
of the factories. A small percentage of the money spent in a 
war of conquest would provide occupation and habitation for 
more people than would ever seek a residence in colonies within 
the tropics. 

The reasons given by Washington, Jefferson, and the other 
statesmen of the early days in support of the doctrine that we 
should maintain friendly relations with all nations, but enter 
into entangling alliances with none, are even stronger today 
than they were a hundred years ago. Our commerce is rapidly 
increasing, and we are brought into constant communication 
with all parts of the world. Even if we desired to do so, we 
could not afford to alienate many nations by cultivating tin- 



Appendix. 251 

necessary intimacy with a few. Our strength and standing- 
are such that it is less necessary than ever before to lean for 
aid upon the friendliness of a foreign power. 

We cannot connect ourselves with European nations and 
share in their jealousies and ambitions without losing the pecu- 
liar advantage, which our location, our character and our in- 
stitutions give us in the world's affairs. 

The doctrine enunciated by Monroe, and approved by suc- 
ceeding presidents, is essential to the welfare of the United 
States. The continents of Xorth and South America are dedi- 
cated to the development of free government. One Republic 
after another has been established, until today monarchical 
idea has barely a foothold in the new world. 

While it is not the policy of this country to interfere where 
amicable relations exist between European countries and their 
dependencies in America, our people would look with disfavor 
upon any attempt on the part of European governments to 
maintain an unwilling or forcible sovereignty over the people 
living on this side of the Atlantic. 

The position taken by the Republican leaders, and more 
recently set forth by the Republican candidate for the Presi- 
dency, viz. : That we cannot protect a nation from outside in-, 
terference without exercising sovereignty over its people, is 
an assault upon the Monroe doctrine, for while this argument 
is at this time directed against the proposition to give to the 
Filipinos both independence and protection, it is equally applic- 
able to the Republics -of Central and South America. If this 
government cannot lend its strength to another Republic, with- 
out making subjects of its people, then we must either with- 
draw our .protection from the Republics to the south of us or 
absorb them. Under the same plea, that the guardian nation 
must exert an authority equal to its responsibility, European 
nations have for centuries exploited their wards, and it is a 
significant fact that the Republican party should accept the 
European idea of a protectorate, at the same time that it adopts 
a European colonial policy. There is no excuse for this 
abandonment of the American idea. We have maintained the 
Monroe doctrine for three-quarters of a century. The expense 
to us has been practically nothing, but the protection has been 



2<2 Appendix. 

beyond value to our sister Republics. If a Filipino Republic 
is erected upon the ruins of Spanish tyranny, its protection In- 
ns will be neither difficult nor expensive. No European nation 
would be willing for any other European nation to have the 
islands, neither would any European nation be willing to pro- 
voke a war with us in order to obtain possession of the islands. 
If we assert sovereignty over the Filipinos we will have to 
defend that sovereignty by force, and the Filipinos will be our 
enemies; if we protect them from outside interference, they 
' will defend themselves and will be our friends. If they show 
as much determination in opposing the sovereignty of other 
nations as they have shown in opposing our sovereignty, they 
will not require much assistance from us. 

The Republican party, drawing as it does enormous cam- 
paign funds from those who enjoy special privileges at the 
hands of the government, is powerless to protect the tax payers 
from the attack of those who profit by large appropriations. A 
surplus in the treasure offers constant temptation to extrava- 
gance, and extravagance, in turn, compels a resort to new means 
of taxation, which is being kept in the background until the 
campaign is over, is a fair illustration of the imposition which 
will be attempted when there is a considerable amount of 
money idle in the treasury. The rehabilitation of the merchant 
marine, laudable in itself, is made the pretext for expenditure of 
public money for the benefit of large ship owners, and in the 
interests of a transportation monopoly. The government being- 
only the agent of the people, has no right to collect from the 
people taxes beyond the legitimate needs of a government hon- 
estly and effectively administered, and public servants should 
exercise the same degree of care in the use of the people's 
money that private individuals do in the use of their own 
money. With a restoration of a foreign policy consistent with 
American ideas there can be an immediate and large reduction 
in the burdens now borne by the people. 

By inadvertence the income tax plank agreed upon by the 
Resolutions Committee, was omitted from the platform as read 
and adopted. The subject, however, is covered by the reaf- 
firmation of the Chicago platform, and I take this occasion 
to reassert my belief in the principle which underlies the in- 



Appendix. 253 

come tax. Congress should have authority to levy and collect 
an income tax whenever necessary, and an amendment to the 
federal constitution specifically conferring such authority ought 
to be supported by even those who may think the tax unneces- 
sary at this time. In the hour of danger the government can 
draft the citizen; it ought to be able to draft the pocketbook 
as well. Unless money is more precious than blood, we can- 
not afford to give greater protection to the incomes of the rich 
than to the lives of the poor. 

The subjects, however, treated in this letter, important as 
each may seem in itself, do not press so imperatively for solu- 
tion as the question which the platform declares to be the 
paramount issue in this campaign. Whether we shall adhere 
to, or abandon those ideas of government which have distin- 
guished this nation from other nations and given to its history 
its peculiar charm and value, is a question the settlement of 
which cannot be delayed. Xo other question can approach it 
in importance ; no other question demands such immediate 
consideration. It is easier to lose a reputation than to establish 
one, and this nation would find it a long and laborious task to 
regain its proud position among the nations, if, under the stress 
of temptation, it should repudiate the self-evident truths pro- 
claimed by our heroic ancestors and sacredly treasured during 
a career unparalleled in the annals of time. When the doctrine 
that the people are the only source of power is made secure 
from further attack we can safely proceed to the settlement of 
the numerous questions which involve the domestic and eco- 
nomic welfare of our citizens. 

Very truly yours, 

W. J. Bryan. 



, — 



NOTIFICATION COMMITTEES. 



The following" is a list of the Committeemen selected to rep- 
resent the several states for the purpose of officially notifying 
the nominees of the Convention of their nomination : 

COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY NOMINEE FOR PRESIDENT. 

Alabama — C. L. Lavretta. 
Arkansas — Jefferson Davis. 
California— R. F. Del Valle. 
Colorado — James Doyle. 
Connecticut — Bryan F. Mahan. 
Delaware — E. D. Hearne. 
Florida — J. Emmett Wolfe. 
Georgia — J. T. Hill. 
Idaho — W. H. Dewey. 
Illinois — Andrew Welch. 
Iowa — A. M. Potter. 
Indiana — W; H. O'Brien. 
Kansas — S. F. Neely. 
Kentucky — R. Lee Suter. 
Louisiana — E. Howard McCaleb. 
Maine — John Scott. 
Maryland — Edward J. Christy. 
Massachusetts — John O'Gara. 
Michigan — Justin R. Whiting. 
Minnesota — C. O. Baldwin. 
Mississippi — W. D. Cameron. 
Missouri — D. A. Ball. 
Montana — Walter Cooper. 

254 



Appendix. 255 

Nebraska — John A. Creighton. 

Xevada — F. G. Newlands. 

New Hampshire — J. F. Dowel. 

New Jersey — Geo. Pfeiff er, Jr. • 

New York — Frank H. Mott. 

North Carolina — J. A. Brown. 

North Dakota— H. D. Allert. 

Ohio — M. A. Daugherty. 

Oregon — R. M. Veach. 

Pennsylvania — John S. Rilling. 

Rhode Island — D. J. McCarthy. 

South Carolina — W. B. Wilson. 

South Dakota — T. W. Taubman. 

Tennessee — Wm. W. Wallace. 

Texas — William Capps. 

Utah— A. H. Tarbet. 

Vermont — John W. McGeary. 

Virginia — P. H. O'Bannan., 

Washington — W. A. Mosier. 

West Virginia — Joseph E. Chilton. 

Wisconsin — George Hilton. 

Wyoming — Horace C. Alger. 

Alaska— Wm. M. Hale. 

Arizona — B. A. Packard. 

Indian Territory — James Gibbon, T. M. Marcum. 

New Mexico — Macario Gallegos. 

Oklahoma — H. S. Emmerson. 

District of Columbia — J. Fred Kelley, C. T. Bride. 

Hawaii — Prince David Kawananakua. 

COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY NOMINEE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Alabama — F. M. Tankersley. 
Arkansas — J. H. Hindman. 
California — Wm. McFadden. 
Colorado — A. T. Gunnel. 
Connecticut — Vy T m. L. Hunting. 
Delaware — H. Harrington. 
Florida— R. D. McDonald. 
Georgia — George T. Cann. 



256 Appendix. 

Idaho — W. B. McFarland. 
Illinois — Reed Green. 
Iowa — E. J. Murtagh. 
Indiana — M. M. Hathaway. 
Kansas — W. W. Letson. 
Kentucky— W. P. Thorn. 
Louisiana — E. Howard McCaleb. 
Maine — Harry B. Stewart. 
Maryland — John Keating. 
Massachusetts — Charles D. Lewis. 
Michigan — Adolphus A. Ellis. 
Minnesota — Humphrey Barton. 
Mississippi — J. T. Senter. 
Missouri — W. D. Leeper. 
Montana — F. E. Corbett. 
Nebraska — Jonas Welsch. 
Nevada — George Frazier. 
New Hampshire — John F. Dowd. 
New Jersey — David Crater. 
New York — M. N. Kane. 
North Carolina — Lemuel Harvey. 
North Dakota — Thomas Regan. 
Ohio— D. L. Rockwell. 
Oregon — ( Not selected ) . 
Pennsylvania — William S. Thomas. 
Rhode Island — George W. Green. 
South Carolina — J. A. Mooney. 
South Dakota — Stephen Donahue. 
Tennessee — E. M. Holmes. 
Texas— J. W. Blake. 
Utah— A. G. Home. 
Vermont — John W. McGearv. 
Virginia — Pannill Rucker. 
Washington — J. W. Godwin. 
West Virginia — Geo. B. West. 
Wisconsin — F. B. Hoskins. 
Wyoming — Richard A. Keenan. 
Alaska— William M. Hale. 
Arizona — George W. P. Hunt. 



Appendix. 257 



Indian Territory — James Givens, R. S. William' 

New Mexico — Qias. F. Easley. 

Oklahoma— T. L. Hill. 

District of Columbia — F. B. Lord. Wm. Holmes. 

Hawaii — John H. Wise. 



HONORARY VICE PRESIDENT'S AND SECRETARIES. 



The following is the list of Honorary Vice Presidents and 
Assistant Secretaries selected by the delegations representing 
the several states at the National Democratic Convention- at 
Kansas City, July 4-6, 1900. 

VICE PRESIDENTS. 

Alabama — Robert J. Lowe. 
Arkansas — J. H. Berry. 
California — J. N. Woods. 
Colorado — Charles Henkel. 
Connecticut — James P. Piggott. 
Delaware — H. Harrington. 
Florida — Charles Wright. 
Georgia — Thomas Hutchinson. 
Idaho — W. PI. Dewey. 
Illinois — S. Z. Landes. 
Iowa — J. B. Gorrell. 
Indiana — James Murdock. 
Kansas — N. F. Graham. 
Kentucky — C. C. Spaulding. 
Louisiana — S. D. McJLnery. 
Maine — L. M. Staples. 
Maryland — Blair Lee. 
Massachusetts — Thos. F. Keenan. 
Michigan— W. R. Burt. 
Minnesota — C. F. Buck. 
Mississippi — J. PL Jones. 
Missouri — Thomas Connelly. 

258 



Appendix. 259 



Montana— J. M. Holt. 
Nebraska — J. H. Miles. 
Nevada — Clayton Belknap. 
New Hampshire — John B. Nash. 
New Jersey — Joshua Salmon. 
New York — Charles M. Bulger. 
North Carolina — J. R. Blair. 
North Dakota— M. A. Hildreth. 
Ohio — Negley Cochran. 
Oregon — R. M. Veach. 
Pennsylvania — Robert E. Pattison. 
Rhode Island — John W. Davis. 
South Carolina — M. B. McSweeney. 
South Dakota — J. J. Conway. 
Tennessee — John E. Wills. 
Texas — John M. Duncan. 
Utah — George W. Thatcher. 
Vermont — A. B. Perry. 
Virginia — B. F. Buchanan. 
Washington — J. M. Jamieson. 
West Virginia — J. G. McClure. 
Wisconsin — R. B. McCoy. 
Wyoming — A. E. Miller. 
Alaska — Charles D. Rogers. 
Arizona — T. G. Norris. 
Indian Territory — B. F. Lafayette. 
New Mexico — Macario Gallegos. 
Oklahoma — C. J. Wrightsman. 
District of Columbia — W. F. Hart. 
Hawaii — Wm. H. Corn well. 

HONORARY SECRETARIES. 

Alabama — Nathan L. Miller. 
Arkansas — A. L. Skillen. 
California — D. W. Carmichael. 
Colorado — Scott Ashton. 
Connecticut — Geo. Foster. 
Delaware— Geo. Draper. 
Florida — Mitch. Jacoby. 



260 Appendix. 

Georgia — Chas. Daniel. 
Idaho — Geo. Hickerson. 
Illinois— \Y. R. Bradley. 
Indiana- — L. G. Ellingham. 
Iowa — Walter H. Dewey. 
Kentucky — Wm, Cromwell. 
Kansas — H. W. Stewart. 
Louisiana — L. E. Thomas. 
Maine — Peter C. Keegan. 
Maryland — Martin Lehmaye. 
Michigan — Thos. J. Cavanaugh. 
Minnesota — Frank L. Glotzhoch. 
Mississippi — O. IT, Bowen. 
Missouri — L. D. Ramsey. 
Massachusetts — Stephen M. Walsh. 
Montana— Frank G. Huggins. 
Nebraska — Phil. Kohls. 
Nevada — E. L. Bingham. 
New Hampshire — John B. Jameson. 
New Jersey — Addison Ely. 
New York — Clif. H. Swartout. 
North Carolina — E. M. Green. 
North Dakota— H. D. Allert. 
( )hio— H. T. Nichols. 
Oregon — ( None reported ). 
Pennsylvania — Joseph W. Mover. 
Rhode Island — Wm. L. Congdon. 
South Dakota — (None reported). 
South Carolina— D. H. 'Traxler. 
Tennessee — Wm. A. ( Kvens. 
Texas— J. W. Hornsby. 
Utah— Mrs. Elizabeth M. Cohn. 
Vermont — Richard M. Houghton. 
Virginia — Joseph Button. 
Washington — D. D. Fagan. 
W r est Virginia — C. W. Campbell. 
Wisconsin — J. M. Baer. 
Wyoming — Walter L. Larsh. 
A'aska — Louis L. Williams. 



■ 



Appendix. 261 



Arizona — Geo. W. P. Hunt. 

New Mexico — E. C. DeBaer. 

( )klahoma Territory— Roy V. Hoffman. 

Indian Territory — Davis Hill. 

District of Columbia — Wm. J. Donovan. 

Hawaii— Chas. T. Wilder. 






CHAIRMEN OF DELEGATIONS. 



The following is the official list of the Chairmen of the sev- 
eral state delegations, as reported to the Secretary of the Demo- 
cratic National Convention at Kansas City, Jiily 4, 1900 : 

Alabama — Tennett Lomax. 
Arkansas — Jefferson Davis. 
California — Stephen M. White. 
Colorado — A. T. Gunnell. 
Connecticut — W. Kennedy. 
Delaware — J. G. Gray. 
Florida — B. S. Lidden. 
Georgia — Boykin Wright. 
Idaho — C. O. Stockslager. 
Illinois — James R. Williams. 
Iowa — Cato Sells. 
Indiana — G. N. Menzie. 
Kansas — J. G. Johnson. 
Kentucky — James B. McCreary. 
Louisiana — John Fitzpatrick. 
Maine — P. Frank. 
Maryland — A. L. Knott. 
Massachusetts — George Fred Williams. 
Michigan — D. J. Campau. 
Minnesota — L. A. Rosing. 
Mississippi- — A. H. Longino. 
Missouri— L. V. Stephens. 
Montana — W. A. Clark. 
Nebraska — W. H. Thompson. 

262 



Appendix. i 263 



Nevada — C. E. Mack. 
New Hampshire — Henry O. Kent. 
New Jersey — Johnson Cornish. 
New York — Edward Murphy. 
North Carolina — E. J. Hale. 
North Dakota— M. A. Hildreth. 
Ohio — James Kilbourne. 
Oregon — A. S. Bennett. 
Pennsylvania — J. M. GufTey. 
Rhode Island — George W. Green. 
South Carolina — Benjamin R. Tillman. 
South Dakota — S. A. Keenan. 
Tennessee — James D. Richardson, 
lexas — S. B. Cooper. 
Utah — George W. Thatcher. 
Vermont — T. M. Maldney. 
Virginia— C. M. White. 
Washington — Thomas Maloney. 
West Virginia — Samuel V. W^oods. 
Wisconsin — David S. Rose. 
Wyoming — A. E. Miller. 
Alaska— William M. Hale. 
Arizona — Thomas G. Norris. 
Indian Territory — J. B. Thompson. 
New Mexico — Charles F. Easley. 
Oklahoma — D. H. Patton. 
District of Columbia — James L. Norris. 
Hawaii — D. Kawananakua. 



OFFICERS AND STANDING COMMITTEES OF THE 
DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL, COMMITTEE OF 1900. 



Sen. James K. Jones. Chairman, Washington, D. C. 
Gov. W. J. Stone. Vice-Chairman. St. Louis, Mo. 
C. A. Walsh. Secretary. Ottumwa, Iowa. 
M. F. Dunlap. Treasurer. Jacksonville. 111. 

Executive Committee. James K. Jones. Chairman. Washington : 
J. G. Johnson. Vice-Chairman. Peahody. Kas. : C. A. Walsh. Secre- 
tary, Ottumwa. la. : W. J. Stone. St. Louis. Mo. : H. D. Clayton. Eu- 
fauia. Ala.; D. J. Campau. Detroit. Mich.: Thomas Gahan. Chicago. 
111.; J. M. Guft'ey. Pittsburg. Pa.: Geo. Fred Williams. Boston. Mass.; 
T. D. O'Brien. St. Paul. Minn. : Thos. Taggart. Indianapolis. Ind. : 
James C. Dahlman.- Omaha. Neb. ; Norman E. Mack. Buffalo, X. V. 

Ways and fleans Committee. J. K. Jones. Chairman. Washington: 

John R. McLean. Vice-Chairman. Cincinnati. O. : C. A. Walsh. Secre- 
tary. Ottumwa. la. ; Urey W r oodson. OwensbOro, Ky. : Adair Wilson. 
Denver, Colo.: B. R. Tillman. Trenton. So. Carolina; J. G. Johnson. 
Peabody. Kas. ; T. E. Ryan. Waukesha. Wis. : F. M. Tarpey. Alameda. 
Cal. ; M. F. Dunlap. Treas.. Jacksonville. 111.: W. H. Hinrichsen. Trav. 
Manager, Jacksonville. 111. 

Press Committee J. K. Jones. Chairman, Washington: Clark 
Howell. Jr.. Vice-Chairman, Atlanta. Ga. ; C. A. Walsh, Secretary. 
Ottumwa. la.: Josephus Daniels. Raleigh. N. C. : True L. Norris, Ports- 
mouth, N. H. : J. G. Johnson. Peabody, Kas. ; David C. Dunbar. Salt 
Lake. Utah; Willis J. Abbott, Manager of Press Bureau, Chicago. 

NOTE: — After the official list of the National Committee on pages 
195 and T()() was printed, vacancies have been filled as follows: lion. 
Geo. E. Hughes, of Bath, Maine, elected by the National Commit- 

264 



Appendix. 265 

tee upon recommendation of the Democratic State Committee of 
Marine, to fill the vacancy from that state caused by the death of 
Hon. Arthur Sewell. 

Hon. J. R. Jacobs, of Shawnee, Oklahoma, elected by the National 
Committee upon the recommendation- of the Democratic Territorial 
convention, to fill the vacancy from that territory. 



ERRATA: —On page 142 the name Goggin in the fifth line from the 
bottom of the page evidently should be Hogan. as the name Goggin 
doo not appear in the list of delegates from Massachusetts. The sim- 
ilarity in sound accounts for the error on the part of the stenographer 
making the report. 

On page 169, eleven lines from the bottom, read "Newlands" for 
Newlangs. 

On page 171. before the last paragraph at bottom of the page, read 
"Hon. William A. Daly responded when New Jersey was called." 



INDEX. 



(Page) 

Altgeld, Jno. P., addresses Convention by invitation 57-62 

Auditing Committee named ; 13 

Baker, Wm. A., addresses Convention 144 

Ballot on Presidential candidate 148- 150 

Ballot for Vice-President 182-186 

Barkworth, Thos. E., addresses Convention 143 

Beckham, Gov. J. A. W., addresses Convention 110 

Berry, J. G., appointed on Committee on Conference 124 

Bomerich, Louis, addresses Convention 146 

Bryan, William J., declared nominee for President 150 

Bryan, William J., speech of acceptance 205-227 

Bryan, William J., letflMbf acceptance .242-253 

ft 
Cummings, Homer S., addresses the Convention 166 

Call for Vice Presidential nominations 1.52 

Campau, Daniel J., introduces resolution to read Declaration of 

Independence 43 

Chairman of Delegations ■ 262-263 

Cohen, Mrs. Elizabeth M.. addresses Convention 148 

Committee on Conference appointed $24 

Committees on contests of National Committee 15 

Committee on Credentials appointed 49-30 

Committee on Permanent Organization appointed 50-51 

267 



268 I\i)!-:x. 

( Page ) 

Committee on Platform and Resolutions appointed 53-54 

Committee on Rules appointed 52-53 

Convention date named i i - 1 2 

Daniels, John \V.. addresses Convention 136 

Daugherty, M. A., addresses the Convention 174 

Davis, Webster, addresses Convention 121-123 

Declaration of Independence read 44--/^ 

De Ford, W. A., elected Temporary and Permanent Assistant 

Secretary .■ '. 29-69 

Dockery, A. M., addresses Convention roi-104 

Dunlap, M. F., appointed Treasurer of National Committee.... 194 

Dunphy, W. H.. nominates Lewis for Vice-President 161 

First day's session 21-55-57 

Fouquet. H. C, seconds Bryan 1 40 

Fulton, Mile. Mattie, sing.^ "Star Spangled Banner" _;S 

Gardner, Lawrence, death announced 6 

Gardner. Lawrence,, memorial resolution adopted J2 

Gattis, S. M., addresses the Convention 174 

Gillespie. H. J., elected Assistant Reading Clerk 29 

Glennon, Bishop, Chaplain 05 

Grady, Thos. F., nominates Hill for Vice-President 157 

Gray, Edward, Chairman Committee on Credentials o_| 

Greetings from Tammany Hall '. 55 

Gmmell, A. T., addresses Convention iu 



Harrison, Carter H.. appointed on CommitteCTPri Conference. .. . 124 

Hampton. Charles S.. elected Chief Reading Clerlc^p 20 

Handy, L. Irving, addresses the Convention 172 

Hill. David B.. seconds nomination of Bryan 132-154 

Hill, David B.. declines nomination for Vice President 15s 

Hogg, J. S.. addresses Convention by invitation 96-100 

Honorary Vice-President and Secretaries 258-21)1 

Horrocks, Rees P.. elected Temporal"}- and Permanent Assis- 
tant Secretary 

Hutchinson, C. seconds Stevenson's nomination 150 

Joint Campaign Committee authorized [94 

Jones, James K., calls Convention to order 21 



Index. 269 

( Page ) 

Jones. James K.. moves adoption of Platform 121 

Jones. James K.. elected Chairman National Committee 191 

Jones. James. K.. Jr., elected Temporal'}- and Permanent Assis- 
tant Secretary 29-69 

Jones, William A., addresses the Convention • 162 

Kansas City Convention agreement 8-9 

Kansas City selected as Convention city 10 

Kennedy. William, seconds Stevenson 160 

Kent. Henry C. addresses the Convention 171 

Knott. A. Leo. addresses the Convention 163 

Lee, Blair, addresses Convention 141 

List of Delegates 76-94 

Lomax, Tennent. addresses Convention 134 

Lowe. Robert J., introduces resolution 48 

Milwaukee proposition 10 

Majority report Committee on Credentials 64 

Martin, John I., named as Temporary Sergeant-at-Arms 18 

Martin, John I., named as Permanent Sergeant at Arms 69 

McCreary. James T.. addresses the Convention 162 

McCullough, J. A., addresses Convention 107-108 

McGuire. J. G., appointed on Committee on Conference 124 

McDaniel, E. A., elected Temporary and Permanent Secretary. 28-69 

McMillen, Benton, addresses Convention 146 

Menzies, G. V., addresses Convention 138 

Meyer, Rev. Henry P^^£haplam • 151 

Miles, Joshua W.. rote of thanks 48 

Miles. Joshua h acTdresses Convention lit 

Minority reporfTJommittee on Credentials 65 

Mitton. James, elected Temporary and Permanent Assistant 

Secretary -9-09 

Money, H. D.. addresses the Convention 166 

Moore. Walter B., addresses Convention 135 

Murphy, E. E.. elected Assistant Reading Clerk 29 

National Committee — 

Chic ago meetings 1-4 

Washington meetings v 4-13 

Kansas City meetings 13. 19. 191 



zyo Index. 

(Page) 

National Convention assembles 21 

Neel, Rev. S. N., Chaplain 22 

Newlands, F. G., addresses the Convention 169 

Norris, James L., selected to fill vacancy for District of Columbia 13 

Notification Committees 254-256 

Notification speech of Hon. Chas. S. Thomas 228-230 

Notification speech of Hon. James D. Richardson 197-204 

Official call for Convention 12 

Official call read 21 

Official list of Democratic National Committee 195 

Oldham, Wm. D., nominates Bryan 124-129 

Overmeyer, David, addresses Convention 139 

Permanent officers elected 69 

Perkins, A. B., addresses Convention 129 

Prince David Kakawanakua introduced to National Committee.. 17 

Rules of National Committee adopted 3 

Reed, Mayor, welcomes Convention 23-28 

Richardson, Jas. D., elected Permanent Chairman 69 

Richardson, James D., address as Permanent Chairman 69-76 

Rose, David S., addresses Convention 104-107 

Rose, David S., appointed on Committee on Conference 124 

Rose, Robert F., elected Official Stenographer. ::' 29 

Rosing, L. A., nominates Towne 154 

Report Committee on Permanent Organizati on^. 69 

Report of Committee on Platform #HBifc 113-120 

Report Committee Oklahoma contest T^^^^rj^^ 16 

Report Committee Indian Territory contest ^W. 17 

Report Committee Montana contest 17 

Report of Committee on Credentials 64 

Report of Committee District of Columbia contest 19 

Second day's session 95-113 

Selection Temporary Chairman by National Committee 18 

Sefton, Edwin, elected Temporary Secretary National Committee. 191 

Slater, Chas. W., addresses Convention 147 

Smith, Lem. J., elected Assistant Reading Clerk 29 

Sowden, Wm. H., addresses the Convention 176 



Index. 271 

(Page) 

Special Committee on vacancy District of Columbia 7 

Stevenson, Adlai E., nominated for Vice-President 185 

Stevenson, Adlai E., speech of acceptance 231 

Stone, W. ]., addresses the Convention 167 

Stone, W. J., elected Vice Chairman National Committee. ._. . 4, 192 

Temporary officers selected 28-29 

The Kansas City Club, resolution of thanks to 193 

Third Day Session . 151 

Thomas, Chas. S., addresses Convention as Temporary Chairman 29-43 

Thomas, Chas. S., appointed on Committee on Conference 124 

Thomas, Chas. S., named as Temporary Chairman 10 

Thomas, Chas. S., seconds Towne 155 

Thompson, O. P., addresses Convention 131 

Thompson, W. H., appointed on Committee on Conference.... 124 

Tillman, B. R., appointed on Committee on Conference 124 

Tillman, B. R., reads Platform 113 

Vandiver, Murray, address on .report of Committee on Cre- 
dentials ^ 65-68 

Walsh, C. A., named as Temporary Secretary. 18 

Walsh, C. A., named as Permanent Secretary 69 

White, Stephen M.,^Jhiresses Convention 130-173 

Williams, George FreTl, addresses the Convention 164 

Williams, Geo. Fred, appo inted on Committee on Conference... 124 

Williams, J. R., adddSm ■^vention 109-110 

Williams, Jamattfl nomuHis Stevenson for Vice-President. 152-153 

Wise, Jno. H.j^^R-esWs Convention [47 



• * 




DEMOCRATIC 

NATIONAL CONVENTION 



KANSAS CITY, MO. 
1900. 



